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Plurality Vote

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A plurality vote (in North American English) or relative majority (in British English) or Majority Vote describes the opinion, view, and measure of the greater number of individuals in a group, institution, or country. It is a socio-political concept with universal value and is considered one of the most important mechanisms for collective decision-making. The acceptance of majority vote as one of the pillars of democratic governments in the Muslim world has doubled its importance among religious thinkers. This issue is discussed in Imami jurisprudence under topics such as Ijtihad and Taqlid, Judgment (qaḍāʾ), Partnership (shirka), Elections, the appointment of Wali al-Faqih, and the process of legislation. It is considered one of the New Issues (al-masa'il al-mustahdatha) in the two fields of Political Jurisprudence and Social Jurisprudence.

Historical analysis shows that the issue of majority vote in the Muslim world, especially in Iran and the Ottoman Empire, appeared simultaneously with the spread of constitutionalist thought and the entry of modern concepts. In Iran, during the Constitutional era and afterwards, up to the era of the Islamic Republic of Iran, some jurists attempted to provide religious foundations for the majority vote.

In Shi'a jurisprudential literature, approaches to majority vote are largely formed based on the jurists' views on the source of the ruler's and government's legitimacy, resulting in three main approaches. A number of Shi'a jurists believe in the validity of the majority vote in public affairs and political issues. Proponents of this view consider the legitimacy and acceptability of the government to be dependent on the people's satisfaction and believe that in non-textual social and political matters (Mantaqat al-Faragh), the majority vote is valid. Sayyid Kazim al-Ha'iri, Husayn Ali Montazeri, and some others belong to this group, citing rational rules, Verses of Shura, and the sira of the Prophet (s) and Imam Ali (a) to prove their claim.

Opposite to the validity theory, some believe in the invalidity of the majority vote. This group considers legitimacy to be solely Divine and considers the majority vote to have no role in determining the government or law. They cite certain verses of the Qur'an that reproach the majority and hadiths about the limitation of the people's role. Fadl Allah Nuri, Muhammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi, and some others hold this view. Between these two groups, there are those who believe in the conditional validity of the majority vote, considering it only as a means for diagnosing the Truth, not a criterion for establishing it; Abd Allah Jawadi Amuli is among these jurists.

Mas'ud Imami, a researcher in political jurisprudence, believes that the difference in these approaches stems from the difference in the jurists' foundations; meaning that based on the Right to Self-Determination, the majority vote is valid, while based on the discovery of truth, or religious legitimacy, expediency, and acceptability, others have believed in its invalidity.

Concept and Status

Majority vote is considered one of the modern concepts that, upon entering the socio-political arena of the Muslim world, like other modern concepts, attracted the attention of religious researchers and jurists.[1] Majority vote has been introduced as a universal value[2] utilized by many political systems to gain Political Legitimacy.[3] Furthermore, with the acceptance of democratic governments in Islamic countries, it is said that the scientific examination of this issue has gained double importance among religious thinkers.[4]

Majority vote, in addition to legitimizing political systems when determining the type of government and electing government officials such as the president and members of parliament, is also considered one of the mechanisms for collective decision-making[5] and enacting laws.[6] Based on this, it is said that the will of the majority, having a wide scope in republican systems, determines the fate of the country; because both the enactment of laws and their legitimacy, as well as the determination of the legislator and the executor of the law, will be based on the will of the majority of the people.[7]

Majority vote is also considered one of the most important elements of a republican system or democratic system, alongside mechanisms such as political participation, separation of powers, and people's supervision over the performance of government officials.[8]

Fiqhi Status

In the science of fiqh, this issue is considered among the new jurisprudential issues (al-masa'il al-mustahdatha) and for this reason, it has been explored by religious researchers in two fields: Political Jurisprudence[9] and Social Jurisprudence.[10] Majority vote has been discussed in jurisprudential books in chapters such as Ijtihad and Taqlid,[11] Judgment (qaḍāʾ),[12] Partnership (shirka),[13] Elections,[14] appointment of the ruler or Wali al-Faqih,[15] and in legislative processes.[16]

Majority vote has also been mentioned as one of the means for determining a Fatwa; with the explanation that jurists who meet the conditions and are experts gather in a fatwa council, exchange views on a jurisprudential issue based on collective wisdom, and announce whatever opinion is accepted by the majority to the followers (muqallids) so that it becomes the basis for the action of the legally responsible (mukallafs).[17]

Definition

Majority vote (Arabic: اغلبیة الاصوات) is defined as the opinion, view, and measure of the greater number of individuals in a group, institution, or country who share common characteristics such as language, religion, and race.[18] Regarding the term "majority", it is said that this term was initially used in Islamic teachings to refer to the status of Muslims versus the non-Muslim minority such as the People of the Book (Ahl al-Kitab) in Islamic societies; whereas today, these two terms are mostly used to describe the status of political forces present in electoral competitions.[19]

History

The history of raising the issue of majority vote and managing society based on it is considered one of the new issues in the Muslim world, which was raised in countries such as Iran and the Ottoman Empire with the spread of constitutionalist thought.[20] This concept, like other modern concepts, although introduced into the intellectual space of the Muslim world by intellectuals,[21] was subsequently met with deep evaluation by religious thinkers as the most important custodians of the knowledge system.[22]

In Iran during the Constitutional era, some jurists and religious thinkers approached it positively, providing religious documentation for the legitimacy of the majority vote,[23] while others, with a skeptical and sometimes confrontational approach,[24] considered it contrary to religious teachings and a heresy.[25] Also, during the era of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this trend continued; some opposed it,[26] while others considered it necessary for the Islamic Government.[27]

Religious Approaches

Shi'a approaches to the issue of majority vote are mostly concerned with the source of legitimacy of the ruler of the Islamic society (Wali al-Faqih); however, the use of majority votes as a method for managing public affairs has also been considered by jurisprudential researchers. In response to the main question of whether majority vote can be used as a tool to legitimize the ruler as well as in drafting laws, they have offered several opinions.[28] Of course, the views of some jurists regarding the legitimacy or illegitimacy of the majority vote and the scope of its validity are not very clear and transparent; for example, the various statements and behaviors of Imam Khomeini regarding the legitimacy of the majority vote have paved the way for different interpretations.[29] Also, according to Mirza Na'ini and other constitutionalist jurists, although the majority vote is valid to some extent, in the Era of Occultation, it cannot realize the ideal Shi'a government; therefore, the majority vote does not bring absolute legitimacy and is considered desirable only because it reduces oppression and brings closer to justice.[30]

Jurisprudential researchers, by examining the opinions of jurists regarding the validity or invalidity of the majority vote in managing public affairs, have extracted three general views: validity, invalidity, and conditional validity of the majority vote in public and governmental affairs.[31] However, Mas'ud Imami, a researcher in Political Jurisprudence, believes that the difference in jurists' opinions regarding the validity or invalidity of the majority vote is due to the difference in their foundations. By outlining several foundations such as "Right to Self-Determination", "discovery of truth", "religious legitimacy", "expediency", and "acceptability", he believes that those who argue for validity have chosen this view based on the right to self-determination; while opponents consider the majority vote invalid based on other foundations.[32]

Validity

Those who argue for the validity of the majority vote in public and governmental affairs believe that the acceptability and legitimacy of the government, the ruler, and governmental laws depend on the satisfaction and vote of the majority of the people.[33] In determining the scope of the validity of the majority vote, this group of jurists agrees that in the definitive matters of the Shari'a where the ruling has been determined by the Lawgiver (Shāriʿ), the majority vote has no validity;[34] but regarding the area referred to as Mantaqat al-Faragh[35] or non-textual rulings,[36] the determination of which has been left to the people by the Lawgiver, the basis of action is the majority of people's votes.[37]

Husayn Ali Montazeri, Muhammad Hadi Ma'rifat, Sayyid Kazim al-Ha'iri, and Sayyid Abd al-Karim Musawi Ardabili, jurists of the Islamic Republic era, argue for the validity of the majority vote in public and governmental issues. They have cited rational and transmitted proofs such as the rule of the ugliness of preferring the inferior over the superior (qubḥ tarjīḥ al-marjūḥ ʿalā l-rājiḥ),[38] a mechanism for achieving expediency,[39] the Verse of Consultation (Qur'an 3:159), the Verse of Shura (Qur'an 42:38),[40] the Sira of the Prophet (s) and Imam Ali (a),[41] the Sira of the Wise (Sīrat al-ʿUqalāʾ), and the wilaya of the just believers (wilāyat ʿudūl al-muʾminīn).[42] Proponents of this view, linking majority vote with the concept of Shura,[43] believe that in case of disagreement in public affairs, the majority vote must be relied upon due to the necessity of Preservation of the System (ḥifẓ al-niẓām), and they consider the reason for the obligation to follow it to be the same as the reasons for the obligation of preserving the system.[44]

In addition to those who believe in the theory of Elective Wilayat al-Faqih, some proponents of the theory of Appointment of Wali al-Faqih also consider the majority vote valid in governmental and public affairs in a different way. For example, according to Imam Khomeini, the Shi'a Imams (a) have entrusted the management of religious and social affairs and the political management of society to just jurists,[45] and the formation of a government by a jurist in the Era of Occultation is in continuation of the Wilaya of the Prophet (s) and the Imams (a);[46] however, regarding how a qualified jurist gains authority (wilaya) in Islamic society, he emphasizes that among the jurists who are qualified and capable of forming a government, only the jurist whom the people elect can undertake this responsibility.[47]

Invalidity

The invalidity of the majority vote in public affairs is a theory held by some Shi'a jurists. According to this group of jurists, in Islam, legitimacy and acceptability are created solely by the Lawgiver, and only a government and law determined by God are legitimate,[48] and they consider the theory of government legitimacy from majority vote to be heresy.[49] They believe that prioritizing the opinion of a group of people over others, even if they are the majority, is contrary to reason; because the majority of people are usually under the influence of others' propaganda and carnal desires and do not act according to logic and reason; therefore, they do not have legitimacy to determine the type of government or the ruler and laws.[50]

Fadl Allah Nuri and Muhammad Husayn Tabrizi among the jurists of the Constitutional era in Iran, and Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Husayni Tehrani and Muhammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi among the jurists of the Islamic Republic era, are among those who assign no status to the majority vote in governmental and public affairs and consider it invalid. This group also cites verses of the Qur'an that reproach the majority[51] or consider government and determining laws to be exclusive to God,[52] as well as some hadiths to prove their view.[53]

Regarding cases of acting based on consultation and majority vote found in the Sira of the Ahl al-Bayt (a), this group says that the ruler of the Islamic society sometimes consults with people to discover the interest, and then decides himself, whether it agrees with the majority vote, like the case of acting on the majority opinion in the Battle of Uhud by the Prophet (s), or whether the interest requires acting against the majority opinion.[54]

Ultimately, this group of thinkers considers the majority vote as a condition for the efficiency or acceptability of the government; as Muhammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi in his book Nazariya-yi siyasi-yi Islam believes that the ruler must be accepted by the people so that the ground for implementing Islamic rulings is created; but the people's vote is not the criterion for the legality or legitimacy of the government. He explains that the people's vote is like the mold (form), and the Divine permission forms the spirit of legitimacy.[55]

Conditional Validity

A number of jurists and religious researchers have argued for the conditional validity of the majority vote. Abd Allah Jawadi Amuli, among these jurists, believes that a distinction must be made between establishing the right and diagnosing the right. According to him, in the Islamic worldview, Truth originates from God; therefore, following the majority in the sense of deriving beliefs and moral values from them is reproached; but the majority can only be used as a tool or rule and method for diagnosing the truth, meaning that where diagnosing the right is difficult and experts disagree, the majority vote can be referred to.[56] Sayyid Muhammad Sadiq Ruhani also does not consider the majority vote valid in determining the ruler[57] and laws, and believes that only where there is no Shar'i Ruling and the Islamic ruler does not know its benefit or corruption, the diagnosis of the majority of experts can be referred to.[58]

Notes

  1. ↑ Ṣāliḥī, Bāztāb-i munāziʿa-yi mafhūmī-yi fuqahā-yi ʿaṣr-i mashrūṭa bar qānūn, p. 183.
  2. ↑ Imāmī, Iʿtibār-i ʿaqlī-yi raʾy-i akthariyyat bar mabnā-yi ḥaqq-i taʿyīn-i sarnivisht, p. 105.
  3. ↑ Fūlādvand, Khrad dar siyāsat, 1377 Sh, p. 363.
  4. ↑ Ṣāliḥī, Democracy wa iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar Islām, 1384 Sh, p. 60.
  5. ↑ Imāmī, Iʿtibār-i ʿaqlī-yi raʾy-i akthariyyat bar mabnā-yi ḥaqq-i taʿyīn-i sarnivisht, p. 105; Ṣāliḥī, Democracy wa iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar Islām, 1384 Sh, pp. 63-64.
  6. ↑ ʿĀlam, Tārīkh-i falsafa-yi siyāsī-yi gharb, 1376 Sh, p. 12.
  7. ↑ Rustamī, Nigāhī taṭbīqī bi kārkard-i akthariyyat dar democracy wa kitāb wa sunnat, pp. 110-111.
  8. ↑ Shākirī, Iʿtibār wa jāygāh-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar niẓām-i siyāsī-yi Islām, p. 394; Murādī, Mashrūʿiyyat-i jumhūriyyat dar Islām, p. 98.
  9. ↑ ʿImādī, Sharṭ-i riḍāyat-i akthariyyat dar tashkīl-i ḥukūmat wa istimrār-i ān az dīdgāh-i Imām Khumaynī, p. 25.
  10. ↑ Ayāzī, Iʿtibār-i akthariyyat dar fiqh-i Shīʿa bā takya bar ārā-yi Imām Khumaynī wa Āyatullāh Muntaẓirī.
  11. ↑ Makārim Shīrāzī, Al-Fatāwā al-jadīda, 1427 AH, pp. 12-13.
  12. ↑ Makārim Shīrāzī, Al-Fatāwā al-jadīda, 1427 AH, p. 133.
  13. ↑ Fāḍil Lankarānī, Jāmiʿ al-masāʾil, 1425 AH, pp. 276-277.
  14. ↑ Muntaẓirī, Dirāsāt fī wilāyat al-faqīh, 1409 AH, vol. 1, pp. 551-571; Ḥāʾirī, Al-Marjaʿiyya wa l-qiyāda, 1425 AH, pp. 43-44.
  15. ↑ Ḥusaynī Tihrānī, Wilāyat al-faqīh fī ḥukūmat al-Islām, 1418 AH, vol. 3, p. 183; Arākī, Naẓariyyat al-ḥukm fī l-Islām, 1425 AH, pp. 332-333.
  16. ↑ Nāʾīnī, Tanbīh al-umma, 1382 Sh, pp. 115-117; Ḥusaynī Shīrāzī, Al-Fiqh, Al-Qānūn, 1419 AH, p. 195.
  17. ↑ Ayāzī, Iʿtibār-i akthariyyat dar fiqh-i Shīʿa bā takya bar ārā-yi Imām Khumaynī wa Āyatullāh Muntaẓirī.
  18. ↑ Dihkhudā, Lughat-nāma-yi Dihkhudā, under the words "Raʾy" and "Akthariyyat"; Anwarī, Farhang-i buzurg-i sukhan, under the words "Raʾy" and "Akthariyyat".
  19. ↑ Ṣāliḥī, Democracy wa iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar Islām, 1384 Sh, p. 61.
  20. ↑ Khān-Muḥammadī, Jāygāh-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar Qurʾān bā taʾkīd bar ārā-yi Āyatullāh Mūsawī Ardabīlī, pp. 59-60.
  21. ↑ Ādamiyyat, Ideology-yi nahḍat-i mashrūṭiyyat-i Īrān, 1985, p. 226.
  22. ↑ Ṣāliḥī, Bāztāb-i munāziʿa-yi mafhūmī-yi fuqahā-yi ʿaṣr-i mashrūṭa bar qānūn, p. 183.
  23. ↑ Nāʾīnī, Tanbīh al-umma, 1382 Sh, pp. 115-117; Dihkhwārqānī, Risāla-yi tawḍīḥ al-marām, p. 667.
  24. ↑ Kirmānī, Tārīkh-i bīdārī-yi Īrānīyān, 1357 Sh, p. 322.
  25. ↑ Nūrī, Risāla-yi ḥurmat-i mashrūṭa, 1363 Sh, p. 106; Tabrīzī, Risāla-yi kashf al-murād, 1374 Sh, p. 132.
  26. ↑ Ḥusaynī Tihrānī, Wilāyat al-faqīh fī ḥukūmat al-Islām, 1418 AH, vol. 3, pp. 182-185; Miṣbāḥ Yazdī, Naẓariyya-yi siyāsī-yi Islām, 1391 Sh, p. 282.
  27. ↑ Imam Khomeini, Ṣaḥīfa-yi Imām, 1385 Sh, vol. 20, p. 459; Muntaẓirī, Ḥukūmat-i dīnī wa ḥuqūq-i insān, 1429 AH, pp. 37-38.
  28. ↑ Ayāzī, Iʿtibār-i akthariyyat dar fiqh-i Shīʿa bā takya bar ārā-yi Imām Khumaynī wa Āyatullāh Muntaẓirī.
  29. ↑ Ḥasanī, Chīstī-yi mashrūʿiyyat-i dugāna dar andīsha-yi siyāsī-yi Shīʿa, pp. 88-95.
  30. ↑ Fīraḥī, Niẓām-i siyāsī wa dawlat dar Islām (3), p. 70.
  31. ↑ Shākirī, Iʿtibār wa jāygāh-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar niẓām-i siyāsī-yi Islām, p. 399; Imāmī, Iʿtibār-i ʿaqlī-yi raʾy-i akthariyyat bar mabnā-yi ḥaqq-i taʿyīn-i sarnivisht, p. 106.
  32. ↑ Imāmī, Iʿtibār-i ʿaqlī wa sharʿī-yi raʾy-i akthariyyat, 1399 Sh, pp. 10-11.
  33. ↑ Shams al-Dīn, Fī l-ijtimāʿ al-siyāsī, 1999, pp. 169-171, 203; Muntaẓirī, Ḥukūmat-i dīnī wa ḥuqūq-i insān, 1429 AH, pp. 37-38.
  34. ↑ Ṭabāṭabāʾī, Al-Mīzān, 1390 AH, vol. 4, pp. 56-57; Qarḍāwī, Fiqh-i siyāsī, 1390 Sh, p. 183; Rustamī, Nigāhī taṭbīqī bi kārkard-i akthariyyat dar democracy wa kitāb wa sunnat, pp. 115-116.
  35. ↑ Ṣadr, Iqtiṣādunā, 1417 AH, p. 380.
  36. ↑ Nāʾīnī, Tanbīh al-umma, 1382 Sh, pp. 134-135.
  37. ↑ Rustamī, Nigāhī taṭbīqī bi kārkard-i akthariyyat dar democracy wa kitāb wa sunnat, pp. 115-116; Imāmī, Iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar partaw-i kitāb wa sunnat, p. 54.
  38. ↑ Muntaẓirī, Dirāsāt fī wilāyat al-faqīh, 1409 AH, vol. 1, p. 554, 564.
  39. ↑ Dihkhwārqānī, Risāla-yi tawḍīḥ al-marām, p. 667.
  40. ↑ Maʿrifat, Jāmiʿa-yi madanī, 1378 Sh, pp. 73-75; Ṣāliḥī Najafābādī, Wilāyat-i faqīh ḥukūmat-i ṣāliḥān, 1380 Sh, p. 278.
  41. ↑ Imāmī, Iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar partaw-i kitāb wa sunnat, p. 64.
  42. ↑ Mūsawī Ardabīlī, Hampā-yi inqilāb, 1385 Sh, p. 464; Khān-Muḥammadī, Jāygāh-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar Qurʾān bā taʾkīd bar ārā-yi Āyatullāh Mūsawī Ardabīlī, p. 68.
  43. ↑ Ḥāʾirī, Wilāyat al-amr fī ʿaṣr al-ghayba, 1413 AH, p. 146.
  44. ↑ Nāʾīnī, Tanbīh al-umma, 1382 Sh, pp. 116-117; Muntaẓirī, Dirāsāt fī wilāyat al-faqīh, 1409 AH, vol. 1, pp. 553-554.
  45. ↑ Imam Khomeini, Kitāb al-bayʿ, 1421 AH, vol. 2, p. 622.
  46. ↑ Imam Khomeini, Wilāyat-i faqīh, 1394 Sh, p. 20.
  47. ↑ Imam Khomeini, Ṣaḥīfa-yi Imām, 1385 Sh, vol. 20, p. 459.
  48. ↑ Shākirī, Iʿtibār wa jāygāh-i raʾy-i akthariyyat dar niẓām-i siyāsī-yi Islām, p. 402.
  49. ↑ Nūrī, Risāla-yi ḥurmat-i mashrūṭa, p. 106; Tabrīzī, Risāla-yi kashf al-murād, 1374 Sh, p. 132.
  50. ↑ Ḥusaynī Tihrānī, Wilāyat al-faqīh fī ḥukūmat al-Islām, 1418 AH, vol. 3, pp. 182-185.
  51. ↑ Qur'an 7:131, 187; Qur'an 12:21, 40; Qur'an 6:37, 116; Qur'an 29:63.
  52. ↑ Qur'an 33:36; Qur'an 4:59.
  53. ↑ Miṣbāḥ Yazdī, Ḥakīmānatarīn ḥukūmat, 1394 Sh, pp. 218-222, 289-300; Ḥusaynī Tihrānī, Wilāyat al-faqīh fī ḥukūmat al-Islām, 1418 AH, vol. 3, pp. 182-185; Murādī, Mashrūʿiyyat-i jumhūriyyat dar Islām, p. 103; Karīmī, Iʿtibārsanjī-yi ṣudūr wa dalālī-yi mashwarat-hā-yi siyāsī-ijtimāʿī-yi Payāmbar (ṣ) dar iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat, p. 72.
  54. ↑ Murādī, Mashrūʿiyyat-i jumhūriyyat dar Islām, p. 97; Miṣbāḥ Yazdī, Naẓariyya-yi siyāsī-yi Islām, 1391 Sh, p. 289; Karīmī, Iʿtibārsanjī-yi ṣudūr wa dalālī-yi mashwarat-hā-yi siyāsī-ijtimāʿī-yi Payāmbar (ṣ) dar iʿtibār-i raʾy-i akthariyyat, p. 72.
  55. ↑ Miṣbāḥ Yazdī, Naẓariyya-yi siyāsī-yi Islām, 1391 Sh, vol. 2, pp. 44-45.
  56. ↑ Jawādī Āmulī, Wilāyat-i faqīh, 1379 Sh, pp. 90-92.
  57. ↑ Rūḥānī, Niẓām-i ḥukūmat dar Islām, 1357 Sh, pp. 28-31.
  58. ↑ Rūḥānī, Niẓām-i ḥukūmat dar Islām, 1357 Sh, pp. 69-72.

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