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al-Nasir al-Abbasi
Full NameAhmad b. al-Mustadi'
Epithetal-Nasir li-Din Allah
Religious AffiliationIslam
Well-known Relativesal-Mustadi' bi-Allah (father)
Birth553/1158
Place of BirthBaghdad
Places of ResidenceBaghdad
Death622/1225
Burial PlaceBaghdad
Notable roles34th Abbasid caliph
ActivitiesRespect and attention to Shi'a holy sites


Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh (553/1158–622/1225), also known as al-Nāṣir al-ʿAbbāsī, was the 34th Abbasid caliph and one of the most distinguished rulers of the Abbasid dynasty. Historians generally agree that al-Nasir was inclined toward the Imamiyya school, a conviction reflected in his conduct and the poetry attributed to him. He ruled for 47 years, marking the longest reign in Abbasid history.

Al-Nasir's patronage of Shia rituals and his support for the Shia community fostered the spread of Shi'ism and facilitated their active presence throughout Islamic lands. He designated the Kadhimiya Shrine as a sanctuary for refugees and commissioned the expansion of the Askariyayn Shrine and the Holy Cellar of the Imam of the Time (a) in Samarra. Notably, al-Nasir appointed the majority of his viziers from the Shia community. By relying on these officials, he succeeded in restoring the diminished authority and stability of the Abbasids, ruling with complete independence.

The reign of al-Nasir coincided with the collapse of the Seljuks and the rise of the Khwarazmians. Concurrently, the Ayyubids ruled in Egypt and the Levant—accepting Abbasid suzerainty—while engaged in conflicts with the Crusaders. Historical sources detail al-Nasir's disputes and military engagements with the Khwarazmians. It is suggested that al-Nasir's policy was to foment discord and strategic fragmentation among various powers. According to one report, he incited the Mongols against the Khwarazmians. This allegation has led some scholars to hold him responsible for the Mongol incursion into Islamic lands and the subsequent destruction of Islamic culture and civilization.

Beyond his role as a narrator of Hadith, al-Nasir was proficient in other disciplines, including Fiqh and poetry. He demonstrated a keen interest in socio-economic affairs and commissioned numerous public works. He was succeeded by his son, al-Zahir bi-Amr Allah.

General Introduction

Ahmad b. al-Mustadi', known by the regnal title al-Nasir li-Din Allah,[1] was the 34th Abbasid caliph.[2] He is regarded as one of the most prominent[3] and celebrated caliphs of the Abbasids.[4] His kunya was Abu l-'Abbas.[5] Al-Nasir's tenure is recognized as one of the most stable eras in the history of the Abbasid caliphate.[6]

Al-Nasir al-Abbasi was born in Baghdad in the year 553/1158[7] and ascended to the Caliphate in 575/1180 at the age of 23, following the death of his father.[8] He passed away due to illness in 622/1225[9] or 623/1226[10] at the age of 70.[11] Al-Nasir's 47-year caliphate[12] represents the longest reign among the Abbasid caliphs.[13] He was succeeded by his son Muhammad, titled al-Zahir bi-Amr Allah, to whom allegiance was pledged.[14] Al-Nasir had initially designated his eldest son, Muhammad, as crown prince, but later replaced him with his younger son, Ali. Upon Ali's death in 612/1215, he reinstated Muhammad as the crown prince.[15]

Al-Nasir li-Din Allah was described as a virtuous, intelligent,[16] politically astute, capable, and courageous figure.[17] It is said that he paid great attention to the socio-economic welfare of the populace[18] and strove to enforce the Shari'a, eradicating illicit activities contrary to religious laws in Baghdad.[19] His personal dedication to public welfare and his nightly patrols are well-documented in historical sources.[20] Al-Nasir was prolific in constructing mosques, schools, and infrastructure,[21] to the extent that his public works are considered innumerable.[22] Among his companions was al-Sharif Abu Ja'far Yahya b. Muhammad al-Alawi al-Husayni, the naqib of the Talibids in Basra.[23]

Scientific Status

Al-Nasir al-Abbasi was renowned as an eloquent,[24] erudite writer, narrator of hadith, poet,[25] and man of letters.[26] He was reportedly knowledgeable in various sciences[27] and possessed a diverse body of writings.[28] He commanded a thorough grasp of Fiqh and frequently engaged in discourse with jurists.[29] Al-Nasir's scholarly standing led some to count him among the most virtuous of the Abbasid caliphs.[30]

One of al-Nasir's works is the book Ruh al-'arifin,[31] which attracted the attention of followers of the four Sunni schools.[32] This text, written in the field of hadith,[33] was taught in over 100 locations across the Islamic world.[34] He also authored a volume regarding the virtues of Imam Ali (a) bearing the same title.[35]

Al-Nasir al-Abbasi established a substantial library adjacent to the Nizamiyya school in Baghdad, housing a collection of valuable manuscripts.[36] He maintained a strong interest in scholars and intellectual debate, appointing Shahab al-Din Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Suhrawardi, the noted Sufi and author of Awarif al-ma'arif, as his political envoy.[37] He received licenses (ijazas) to narrate traditions from various scholars and granted similar licenses to others.[38] Notably, al-Nasir granted permission to teach his book to a Shia scholar named Abu Ja'far al-Alawi.[39]

Religion

It is said that al-Nasir al-Abbasi, diverging from his predecessors, was a Shi'a[40] and inclined toward the Imamiyya school.[41] Given that Baghdad was a center for Imami Shia residents during his era, his Shi'ism is generally interpreted as Imami Shi'ism.[42] Several Shia sources record his name among Shia notables[43] and include prayers for him acknowledging his belief in the Wilaya of the Imams (a).[44] Al-San'ani, after praising al-Nasir, addressed his religious affiliation, describing his adherence to Shi'ism as a marvel.[45] He asserted that al-Nasir considered himself a deputy of the awaited Imam.[46]

The silence of certain Sunni sources regarding al-Nasir's religion has been cited as evidence of his Shi'ism, as biographical entries typically specify the subject's religious affiliation.[47] An anecdote in which al-Nasir questions Ibn al-Jawzi about the most virtuous person after the Messenger of God (s), and Ibn al-Jawzi's ambiguous reply—offered out of fear of the Caliph—is reflected in sources as further proof of his Shi'ism.[48] Ibn al-Athir, the author of al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, after identifying al-Nasir as a Shia, described him as having a poor character, dismissing his contributions. In his view, al-Nasir’s rule saw the ruin of Islamic lands and the confiscation of property.[49] Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin contended that the concealment of al-Nasir's virtues and the highlighting of his faults were motivated solely by his inclination toward the Imami school.[50] Researchers argue that the claim al-Nasir utilized Shi'ism merely as a tool against opponents is unfounded, as his support for Shias was consistent and, given the absolute authority of his caliphate, he did not require their political assistance.[51]

Reflection of Religious Inclination in al-Nasir's Poems

A number of al-Nasir li-Din Allah's poems are cited as indicative of his inclination toward the Shia faith.[52] In response to contemporaries who criticized his Shia beliefs, he has composed a poem, often quoted as evidence of his conviction:[53]

Also, in a poem, composed in response to one of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi's sons, al-Nasir alluded to the usurpation of Imam Ali's (a) caliphate.[54] When 'Ubayd Allah, the head of the Talibids in Mosul, wrote inquiring about the rumors of the Caliph’s conversion from Shia to Sunni Islam, al-Nasir responded with a poem praising the Ahl al-Bayt (a) and explicitly denying any change in his beliefs.[55]

Inclination toward the Code of Futuwwa

According to historical reports, al-Nasir li-Din Allah held a deep interest in the code of Futuwwa and donned the garb of the order.[56] This act prompted other rulers[57] and the populace in various lands to adopt the same attire;[58] he even assumed the leadership of the group following the death of Malik b. Abd al-Jabbar, a senior elder of the *fatiyan*. It is claimed that his affiliation with the *fatiyan* was a strategic move to leverage their social influence and utilize the order as an instrument for the unification of the Islamic Ummah.[59]

al-Nasir's Actions in Favor of Shias

Al-Nasir li-Din Allah extended significant patronage to Shia rituals,[60] and his reign witnessed the proliferation of the Shia faith.[61] Al-Nasir's policies played a pivotal role in bolstering the self-confidence of the Shia community and ensuring their prominent role in society.[62] Reports indicate that no mistreatment of Shias occurred during his rule,[63] and special attention was directed toward Shia-populated districts, including the Karkh neighborhood of Baghdad, where a hospital and a Dar al-Quran were established specifically for the community.[64] Adjacent to the Shrine of 'Awn and Mu'in, descendants of Imam Ali (a), al-Nasir constructed an edifice named Khilatiyya, within which he interred his wife, Saljuq Khatun.[65]

Attention and Respect toward Shia Holy Sites

Al-Nasir al-Abbasi attached great importance to Shia holy sites, according particular reverence to the Kadhimiya Shrine. He designated this site as a sanctuary for refugees[66] and ordered its chambers converted into a center for scholars.[67] By al-Nasir's decree, Musnad Ahmad b. Hanbal was taught by a Shia jurist within the Kadhimiya Shrine, with the inaugural lecture addressing the Event of Fadak.[68] It is claimed he selected a burial plot for himself adjacent to the shrine of Imam al-Kazim (a),[69] a decision indicative of his devotion to Shia beliefs.[70] This was a departure from Abbasid custom, as caliphs were traditionally interred in the Rusafa district of Baghdad. However, following al-Nasir's death, his son overturned this decision and buried him alongside the other caliphs.[71]

Reports state that al-Nasir ordered the construction of a wooden lattice for the Askariyayn Shrine.[72] The construction of the Holy Cellar in Samarra is also attributed to him.[73] Likewise, he commanded the fabrication of a teak wood door for the cellar,[74] featuring an inscription that began with the Verse of Mawadda.[75] Shaykh Abbas Qummi, in Tatimmat al-muntaha, noted that he viewed this door and its inscription in the year 1325/1907.[76]

Al-Nasir li-Din Allah undertook the restoration of the tombs of the Shia Imams in al-Baqi'[77] and erected a mausoleum over their graves,[78] which became known as the High Dome (qubba-yi 'aliyya).[79] The renovation of the House of Lady Zahra (a) in Medina was another of his notable contributions.[80]

Appointment of Shia Viziers

Al-Nasir li-Din Allah's caliphate is considered the zenith of Shia influence within the government apparatus.[81] According to some researchers, the majority of his reign was characterized by the service of Shia viziers, and the revitalization of the Abbasid caliphate's power was largely shaped by their administration.[82] Muhammad b. Ali b. Ahmad al-Qassab (Ibn al-Qassab), Nasir al-Din Nasir b. Mahdi al-'Alawi al-Razi (Ibn al-Mahdi), and Mu'ayyid al-Din al-Qummi were among al-Nasir's Shia viziers.[83] They implemented numerous measures to expand Shi'ism and enhance the welfare of the Shia community.[84] These figures were recognized for their integrity and commitment to justice, leading personal lives defined by contentment.[85]

Authority in Governance

The turn of the 6th century AH marked a temporary resurgence of independence for the Abbasid state.[86] Al-Nasir al-Abbasi's era is recognized as a period of renewed authority and stability.[87] He revitalized a caliphate that had been in decline since the death of al-Mu'tasim, marking the last era of significant Abbasid authority.[88] He maintained complete independence within his territory and personally managed the affairs of the Caliphate.[89] Some historians posit that al-Nasir, through astute statesmanship, fostered Muslim unity alongside significant political, cultural, and economic progress, establishing himself as a formidable and respected figure.[90] His policies have been hailed as a highlight of Arab history.[91]

The extent of al-Nasir al-Abbasi's dominion was reportedly unprecedented for any caliph or king before him.[92] It is claimed that sultans submitted to his authority, and opponents universally followed his lead.[93] In Iraq, the name of the Seljuk sultan, traditionally mentioned after the caliph in sermons, was removed.[94] His influence extended to territories in al-Andalus and China,[95] and in most lands of the Maghreb, the sermon was read in his name.[96] It is said that al-Nasir's majesty inspired awe in the people of India and Egypt just as it did in the people of Baghdad.[97]

Governance Method

Al-Nasir al-Abbasi played a decisive role in the policy-making of the Abbasid state by meticulously selecting individuals for various responsibilities. By recruiting and employing two opposing groups—namely the Shias and the Hanbalis, who were historically at odds with each other and the state—he managed to mitigate sectarianism and foster relative cohesion within the government.[98] Al-Nasir's policy of removing symbols and remnants of foreign influence served to further consolidate his position.[99]

Al-Nasir established a robust intelligence network to monitor the situation across various regions,[100] which, according to some researchers, resulted in a decrease in riots and conflicts.[101] This system was so effective that al-Nasir's control over society, from commoners to the elite, was absolute; numerous legends arose regarding his intelligence capabilities, including claims of connections with the World of the Unseen[102] and Jinn.[103]

Contemporary Governments

At the outset of al-Nasir al-Abbasi's rule, the Seljuks held sway, but as their power waned,[104] the Khwarazmians rose to prominence.[105] In 606/1209-10, the Mongols consolidated power,[106] eventually dismantling the Khwarazmian kingdom.[107] During al-Nasir's reign, the Ayyubids, led by Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi, ruled Egypt and the Levant while acknowledging the Abbasid caliph in their sermons.[108] The Ayyubids successfully repelled the Crusaders during this period, recapturing significant portions of the Levant, including Jerusalem.[109] The Ismailis also maintained control over parts of the Islamic world.[110]

Conflict with Seljuks and Khwarazmians

Al-Nasir li-Din Allah challenged other powers, such as the Seljuks and Khwarazmians, to regain the lost independence of the Abbasid caliphate. He expanded his territory by capturing regions including Tikrit, Khuzestan, Isfahan, Rey, and Hamadan.[111] It is said that al-Nasir fomented conflict among various powers to maintain his own supremacy.[112] He allied with the Khwarazmians to contain the Seljuks, and subsequently incited the Ghurids and the Mongols to counter the Khwarazmians.[113] Furthermore, rather than supporting Sultan Jalal al-Din Mingburnu's request for aid against the Mongols, he encouraged regional amirs to oppose him.[114]

Some historians believe al-Nasir's misguided policy of encouraging the Mongols to confront the Khwarazmians precipitated the Mongol invasion of Islamic lands.[115] Critics have described him as a biased and incompetent ruler whose personal motives paved the way for foreign encroachment and the destruction of Islamic culture and civilization.[116] Ibn al-Athir, in al-Kamil, validated the reports of al-Nasir provoking the Mongols, characterizing the act as a grave and unforgivable error.[117]

Military Conflicts

Sources document al-Nasir al-Abbasi's military confrontations with both the Seljuks[118] and the Khwarazmians.[119] Upon rising to power, Sultan Muhammad Khwarazmshah removed the Abbasid name from the sermons.[120] In 614/1217-18, supported by religious scholars who deemed the Abbasid caliphate illegitimate, he pledged allegiance to 'Ala' al-Mulk al-Tirmidhi, an Alid. Under the pretext of restoring the caliphate to its rightful owners, he marched toward Baghdad with a large army; however, despite initial victories over Abbasid loyalists, severe winter conditions forced him to abandon the campaign.[121]

Following the fall of the Khwarazmians and the empowerment of the Mongols, al-Nasir li-Din Allah increased his troop numbers and fortified defenses.[122] Nevertheless, no direct military conflict with the Mongols occurred during his reign.[123] Sources also mention al-Nasir's conflicts with the Franks (Crusaders).[124] Al-Nasir intended to dispatch his army to the Levant to aid Saladin in expelling the Crusaders, but Saladin declined the offer, opting instead to conclude a peace treaty with them.[125]

Notes

  1. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 15, p. 103; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 40, p. 36; Ibn al-Dubaythī, Dhayl Tārīkh madīnat al-salām, 1427 AH, vol. 2, p. 232.
  2. ↑ Mustawfī, Tārīkh-i guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 366.
  3. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308.
  4. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 5, p. 73; Majmaʿ al-Fikr al-Islāmī, Mawsūʿat muʾallifī al-Imāmiyya, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 283.
  5. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 15, p. 103; al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 530.
  6. ↑ Mustawfī, Tārīkh-i guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 366.
  7. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 15, p. 103; Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 32.
  8. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 15, p. 103; Ibn al-Dubaythī, Dhayl Tārīkh madīnat al-salām, 1427 AH, vol. 2, p. 232; Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308; Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 505.
  9. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 534; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 327.
  10. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 12, p. 305.
  11. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 505.
  12. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 13, p. 106; Ashraf al-Rasūlī, Ṭurfat al-aṣḥāb, 1422 AH, p. 99.
  13. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 12, p. 305; Diyār al-Bakrī, Tārīkh al-khamīs, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 367; Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 5, p. 105.
  14. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 660.
  15. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, pp. 660-661.
  16. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 533; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 327.
  17. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308.
  18. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 182.
  19. ↑ Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 327.
  20. ↑ For example see: Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 327; Yāfiʿī, Mirʾāt al-jinān, vol. 4, pp. 40-41.
  21. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 15, p. 103; Ibn al-Dubaythī, Dhayl Tārīkh madīnat al-salām, 1427 AH, vol. 2, p. 234.
  22. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308.
  23. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 13, p. 74.
  24. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308.
  25. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 505.
  26. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, p. 253.
  27. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, vol. 3, p. 660; Shūshtarī, Majālis al-muʾminīn, 1377 Sh, vol. 2, p. 283.
  28. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, vol. 3, p. 660.
  29. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 183.
  30. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308; Shūshtarī, Majālis al-muʾminīn, 1377 Sh, vol. 2, p. 283.
  31. ↑ Āghā Buzurg Ṭihrānī, al-Dharīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 11, p. 264; Kaḥḥāla, Muʿjam al-muʾallifīn, 1376 Sh, vol. 1, p. 197.
  32. ↑ Āghā Buzurg Ṭihrānī, al-Dharīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 11, p. 264.
  33. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 507.
  34. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 15, p. 103; Ibn al-Dubaythī, Dhayl Tārīkh madīnat al-salām, 1427 AH, vol. 2, p. 234.
  35. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 505; Shubbar, Adab al-ṭaff, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 235.
  36. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 13, p. 6.
  37. ↑ Ḥamawī, Muʿjam al-buldān, 1995, vol. 3, p. 290.
  38. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 530.
  39. ↑ Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 5, pp. 42-43.
  40. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 533; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 90; Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 505.
  41. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Āthār-i Islāmī-yi Makka wa Madīna, 1386 Sh, p. 345.
  42. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 184.
  43. ↑ For example see: Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 505.
  44. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 506.
  45. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, pp. 252-253.
  46. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, p. 253.
  47. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 188.
  48. ↑ For more information, see: al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 533; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 90.
  49. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 12, p. 440.
  50. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 506.
  51. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", pp. 189-191.
  52. ↑ Alvīrī, Zindagī-yi farhangī wa andīsha-yi siyāsī-yi Shīʿiyān, 1384 Sh, p. 317.
  53. ↑ Shūshtarī, Majālis al-muʾminīn, 1377 Sh, vol. 2, p. 283.
  54. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, pp. 254-255; Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān, Beirut, vol. 3, pp. 420-421; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 5, p. 346.
  55. ↑ Qummī, al-Kunā wa-l-alqāb, 1368 Sh, vol. 3, p. 234.
  56. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308.
  57. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 12, p. 440; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 85.
  58. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308.
  59. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 183.
  60. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 184.
  61. ↑ Majmaʿ al-Fikr al-Islāmī, Mawsūʿat muʾallifī al-Imāmiyya, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 283.
  62. ↑ Alvīrī, Zindagī-yi farhangī wa andīsha-yi siyāsī-yi Shīʿiyān, 1384 Sh, p. 318.
  63. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 204.
  64. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", pp. 201-202.
  65. ↑ Ibn Qunaytū, Khulāṣat al-dhahab, Baghdad, Maktabat al-Muthannā, p. 281.
  66. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 535; Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, pp. 505-506.
  67. ↑ Alvīrī, Zindagī-yi farhangī wa andīsha-yi siyāsī-yi Shīʿiyān, 1384 Sh, p. 317.
  68. ↑ Sibṭ Ibn al-Jawzī, Mirʾāt al-zamān, Hyderabad, p. 556.
  69. ↑ Sibṭ Ibn al-Jawzī, Mirʾāt al-zamān, Hyderabad, p. 636.
  70. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 186.
  71. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 186.
  72. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 507; Majmaʿ al-Fikr al-Islāmī, Mawsūʿat muʾallifī al-Imāmiyya, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 283.
  73. ↑ Majmaʿ al-Fikr al-Islāmī, Mawsūʿat muʾallifī al-Imāmiyya, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 283.
  74. ↑ Qummī, Tatimmat al-muntahā, 1325 Sh, pp. 588-589; Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 507; Majmaʿ al-Fikr al-Islāmī, Mawsūʿat muʾallifī al-Imāmiyya, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 283.
  75. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 507.
  76. ↑ Qummī, Tatimmat al-muntahā, 1325 Sh, pp. 588-589.
  77. ↑ Amīnī, Baqīʿ al-gharqad, Tehran, p. 296.
  78. ↑ Qummī, Tatimmat al-muntahā, 1325 Sh, pp. 588-589.
  79. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Āthār-i Islāmī-yi Makka wa Madīna, 1386 Sh, p. 334.
  80. ↑ Yamānī, Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ (a), 1387 Sh, p. 27.
  81. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 192.
  82. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 192.
  83. ↑ For more information, see: Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, pp. 309-312.
  84. ↑ For more information, see: Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh".
  85. ↑ Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 327.
  86. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, pp. 31-32, quoting others.
  87. ↑ Ibn al-ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, 1406 AH, vol. 7, p. 173; Sirāj, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, 1363 Sh, vol. 1, p. 127.
  88. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 532.
  89. ↑ Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 5, p. 105; Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 506.
  90. ↑ Sharafī, "al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh (ḥuk: 575–622 AH): Khalīfa-yi hūshmand wa mudabbir-i ʿAbbāsī", p. 117.
  91. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, pp. 31-32, quoting others.
  92. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1403 AH, vol. 2, p. 506.
  93. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 532.
  94. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 32.
  95. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 532; Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.
  96. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 535.
  97. ↑ Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 89; al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 532.
  98. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 35.
  99. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 35.
  100. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308; Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, p. 254; Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.
  101. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, "Tashayyuʿ-i Khalīfa al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh", p. 182.
  102. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, p. 254; Diyār al-Bakrī, Tārīkh al-khamīs, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 367; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 86.
  103. ↑ Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 86; Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.
  104. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqī, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 308; Shubbar, Adab al-ṭaff, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 235.
  105. ↑ Mustawfī, Tārīkh-i guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 366.
  106. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 538.
  107. ↑ Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 327.
  108. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, pp. 535-536; Ibn Qunaytū, Khulāṣat al-dhahab, Baghdad, p. 281.
  109. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, pp. 535-536; Ibn Qunaytū, Khulāṣat al-dhahab, Baghdad, p. 281.
  110. ↑ Mustawfī, Tārīkh-i guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 366.
  111. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, vol. 3, pp. 654-655.
  112. ↑ Iqbāl Āshtiyānī, Tārīkh-i Mughul, 1384 Sh, p. 98.
  113. ↑ Iqbāl Āshtiyānī, Tārīkh-i Mughul, 1384 Sh, p. 98.
  114. ↑ Iqbāl Āshtiyānī, Tārīkh-i Mughul, 1384 Sh, pp. 98-99.
  115. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.
  116. ↑ Iqbāl Āshtiyānī, Tārīkh-i Mughul, 1384 Sh, p. 14.
  117. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 12, p. 440.
  118. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, vol. 3, p. 653; Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.
  119. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, vol. 3, p. 655.
  120. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 531; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 45, p. 85.
  121. ↑ Hamadānī, Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, 1373 Sh, vol. 1, pp. 470-471.
  122. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.
  123. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 1, p. 253.
  124. ↑ al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, pp. 538-539.
  125. ↑ Amīn, Mustadrakāt aʿyān al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, vol. 7, p. 36.

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