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Israʼiliyyat refers to narratives that have entered Islamic texts from Jewish, Christian, and ancient legendary sources. It is said that the infiltration of these themes into Islamic literature was largely influenced by storytelling by newly Muslim Jews in the early Islamic centuries. Some Prophetic traditions (hadiths) prohibit Muslims from referring to Israʼiliyyat. The entry of Israʼiliyyat into Islamic sources is attributed to the cultural influence of the \[\[Jahiliyya|pre-Islamic Arab]] society from the Jews residing in the Arabian Peninsula.

Among the most notable figures involved in the formation and spread of Israʼiliyyat are individuals such as \[\[Kaʿb al-Aḥbār|Kaʿb al-Aḥbār]], \[\[Tamīm Dārī|Tamīm ibn Aws Dārī]], \[\[ʿAbdallāh ibn Salām]], \[\[Wahb ibn Munabbih|Wahb ibn Munabbih]], \[\[Abu Huraira]] and \[\[ʿAbdullāh ibn ʿAbbās]]. Between the 2nd and 5th Islamic centuries, although scholars like \[\[Faḍl ibn Shādhān Nishāpūrī|Faḍl ibn Shādhān]] and \[\[Sayyid Murtadha]] made efforts to critique Israʼiliyyat, some of these narratives found their way into works such as \[\[Tafsīr al-Ṭabarī|al-Ṭabarī’s Jāmiʿ al-Bayān]] and \[\[Tafsīr ʿAlī ibn Ibrāhīm al-Qummī|Tafsīr al-Qummī]].

Israʼiliyyat mostly fall under topics such as \[\[Creation of the World]] including how the moon's color changed and the carrying of the earth on water; the history of earlier prophets, e.g., the size of \[\[Noah's Ark]]; and attributing \[\[sin]] to some prophets like \[\[David (prophet)|David (ʿAlayhi al-Salām)]], as well as matters of the supernatural.

There are books written on Israʼiliyyat, including *Israʼiliyyat and Their Influence on the Stories of the Prophets in Qur'anic Exegesis* by Hamid Muhammad Ghassemi, and *Al-Israʼiliyyat fī al-Tafsīr wa al-Ḥadīth* by Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabī.

\==Terminology== Israʼiliyyat refers to narratives derived from Jewish, Christian, or ancient stories that have entered \[\[Qur'anic exegesis|Qur'anic tafsīr]] and \[\[Hadith]] literature.[1] According to al-Dhahabī, a professor at \[\[Al-Azhar University]], some exegetes have expanded the scope of this term to include any unfounded report (such as the \[\[Legend of the Grāniq]]) found in tafsīr and hadith books as Israʼiliyyat.[2] Al-Masʿūdī, a Sunni historian of the 4th century AH, defined Israʼiliyyat as those reports whose authenticity cannot be decisively confirmed or denied.[3]

The term Israʼiliyyat is the plural of Israʼiliyya, derived from Israel,[4] a title of \[\[Jacob (prophet)|Prophet Jacob (ʿAlayhi al-Salām)]].[5] The use of this term for all such narratives is due to the large number of reports originating from Jewish sources.[6] According to the author of the article "Israʼiliyyat" in the \[\[Encyclopaedia of Islam (Second Edition)|Encyclopaedia of Islam]], the first usage of the term was for a book by \[\[Wahb ibn Munabbih]] (d. 114 AH), a Yemeni historian; though some bibliographical sources mention other titles for this work.[7]

\==Israʼiliyyat in Islamic Narrations and Scholarly Views== In Prophetic traditions, there are admonitions against consulting the people of the Book (Jews and Christians); for instance, one hadith says not to question them, as they do not guide you rightly and lead you astray.[8] Another hadith advises neither confirming nor denying what the people of the Book say.[9] These traditions reportedly contributed to the reduced attention to narratives from the people of the Book during the \[\[Sahaba]] period.[10]

Conversely, a hadith stating *"Narrate from the Children of Israel without harm"*[11] is interpreted to mean that narrating from Jewish sources is not problematic.[12] Muhammad Hādī Maʿrifat (d. 1385 SH), a Quranic scholar, views this hadith as an idiomatic expression emphasizing the extreme disrepute of Jews, implying that any negative assumption about them is true.[13]

\[\[Ibn Taymiyya]] and Ibn Kathīr, Sunni scholars of the 8th century AH, categorized Israʼiliyyat into three groups: first, those reports corroborated by the Qur'an and Prophetic tradition and thus acceptable; second, those contradictory to Islamic sources and therefore rejected; and third, those not mentioned in Islamic sources and whose authenticity cannot be conclusively judged.[14] Muhammad Hādī Maʿrifat, citing this classification and offering examples for each category,[15] asserts that extreme caution is necessary regarding the third category, and their transmission should be avoided.[16]

\==Context of the Spread== The penetration of Israʼiliyyat into Islamic sources is attributed to the cultural influence of the \[\[Jahiliyya|pre-Islamic Arabs]] by Jews residing in the Arabian Peninsula.[17] According to ʿAbd al-Hādī al-Masʿūdī, a Hadith scholar, this influence intensified with the conversion of some Jews and Christians to Islam,[18] and narratives from Jewish and Christian sources entered Islamic culture.[19]

One reason Muslims were influenced by the teachings of the people of the Book was the Quran's overlap with the \[\[Torah]] and \[\[Gospel]] in recounting some prophet stories, and the Quran’s ambiguous style in relating these narratives.[20] This ambiguity encouraged some to seek detailed accounts from the people of the Book.[21] Muhammad Taqī Subḥānī, a \[\[List of Shia Maraji|Shia marja']], believes that the prohibition on hadith compilation — which lasted about a century — caused Jewish and Christian narrations to replace hadiths and eventually enter Sunni sources such as \[\[Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī]] and \[\[Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim]].[22]

It is also claimed that Jews, through fabricating narrations from the \[\[Talmud]] (the second sacred text of Judaism) and Jewish legends attributed falsely to the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), sought to undermine Islamic cultural foundations and distorted Prophetic hadiths.[23]

\==Key Figures in the Formation of Israʼiliyyat== Among the most prominent individuals influential in forming Israʼiliyyat among the \[\[Companions]] and \[\[Tabi‘un]] are: \[\[Kaʿb al-Aḥbār|Kaʿb al-Aḥbār]], \[\[Tamīm Dārī|Tamīm ibn Aws Dārī]], \[\[ʿAbdallāh ibn Salām]], \[\[Wahb ibn Munabbih]], \[\[Abū Hurayrah]], \[\[ʿAbdullāh ibn ʿAbbās]], ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAmr ibn ʿĀṣ, and Muḥammad ibn Kaʿb Qurṭī.[24] The first four are said to have had the greatest impact in spreading Israʼiliyyat.[25]

\===Kaʿb al-Aḥbār===

Main article: Kaʿb al-Aḥbār

Abū Isḥāq Kaʿb ibn Mātaʿ al-Ḥimyārī, known as \[\[Kaʿb al-Aḥbār]] (died 32 AH),[26] was a prominent Jew in Yemen[27] who converted to Islam during the caliphate of Abū Bakr.[28] Biographers have ranked him among the foremost of the Tabi‘un, and companions and followers such as Ibn ʿAbbās, Abū Hurayrah, \[\[Mālik ibn Abī ʿĀmir]] and ʿAṭāʾ ibn Abī Rabāḥ transmitted reports from him.[29]

Historical sources report that Kaʿb, familiar with Jewish scriptures, responded to questions among Muslims after his conversion.[30] It is said that the interest of ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb and Muʿāwiyah in Kaʿb’s stories significantly helped spread his narrations among Muslims,[31] to the extent that he sometimes offered interpretations of Qur’anic verses.[32]

\===Tamīm ibn Aws Dārī===

Main article: Tamīm Dārī

Tamīm ibn Aws ibn Khārijah Dārī, commonly known as Tamīm Dārī (died 40 AH), was a Christian who converted to Islam during the \[\[Sanaʿa delegations|Year of the Delegations]].[33] Shiite researchers have named him among those who introduced Israʼiliyyat into Islamic culture.[34]

According to Sunni reports, Tamīm was the first to tell stories to Muslims in the \[\[Prophet’s Mosque]].[35] Some accounts report that during the caliphates of ʿUmar and ʿUthmān,





Death of the Prophet (PBUH) is one of the events of 11 AH which caused division among the Muslims and had significant effects on their destiny. The death or martyrdom of the Prophet (PBUH), according to the famous Shia narration, occurred on 28th of Safar, and according to the well-known Sunni narration, on 12th of Rabi' al-Awwal. The discussion about the death or martyrdom of the Prophet and its consequences is an important topic in the history of Islam. Based on narrations found in both Shia and Sunni sources, Sheikh Mufid, Sheikh Tusi, and Allama Hilli have stated that the Prophet (PBUH) was poisoned and martyred by a Jewish woman, though some believe that the Prophet died a natural death. According to Sayyid Jafar Murtada Amili, a scholar and researcher of Islamic history, the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was targeted for assassination several times and died due to poisoning.

According to historical sources, after the Prophet’s death, the people of Medina, especially his daughter Fatimah (SA), were deeply saddened. Umar ibn al-Khattab insisted that the Prophet had not died and threatened to kill those who claimed the Prophet had passed away until Abu Bakr intervened and calmed him by reciting Quran 3:144. Some consider Umar’s action as a premeditated plan to bring Abu Bakr to power.

Historians report that Imam Ali (AS) with the help of people such as Fadl ibn Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib and Usama ibn Zayd prepared the Prophet’s body for burial and buried him in his house. At the time of burial, some leaders of the Ansar and Muhajirun gathered at Sa’dah Bani Sa’idah and, contrary to the Prophet’s instructions, appointed Abu Bakr as his successor.

Position and Importance

The death of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) had a clear and significant impact on the fate of the Muslims.[36] Immediately after the Prophet’s death, a group of prominent Muhajirun and Ansar gathered at Saqifah Bani Sa’idah and chose Abu Bakr as caliph.[37] Also, supporters of the caliphate attacked the house of Ali and Fatimah, the Prophet’s son-in-law and daughter, to extract allegiance.[38] In this attack, Fatimah was injured,[39] which according to Shia belief led to her martyrdom.[40] According to Shia, after the Prophet’s death, his instructions regarding the succession of Imam Ali (AS) were not followed.[41] Thus, the dispute over the Prophet’s succession turned into a deep conflict in the Islamic community and paved the way for the establishment of the two major sects: Shia and Sunni.[42]

In various countries, ceremonies of mourning are held on the anniversary of the death of the Messenger of God.[43] In Iran, the 28th of Safar is an official public holiday as the day of the Prophet’s death, and Shia Muslims observe mourning on this day.[44]

Poisoning or Natural Death?

Regarding whether the Prophet died a natural death or by poisoning, two types of reports exist.[45] Some believe the Prophet’s death was due to natural causes;[46] and in the Al-Kafi narrated from Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq (AS),[47] in the book Basa’ir al-Darajat, a Shia hadith book,[48] and in Ibn Sa'd’s Tabaqat, a 3rd century AH historical book, there are reports that the Prophet’s final illness was due to poisoning from eating lamb meat brought by a Jewish woman after the Battle of Khaybar.[49]

Sheikh Mufid,[50] Sheikh Tusi,[51] Allama Hilli,[52] and some Sunni sources such as Sahih al-Bukhari,[53] Sunan al-Darimi,[54] and Al-Mustadrak ala al-Sahihayn,[55] have confirmed the death of the Prophet (PBUH) as a result of poisoning. Additionally, Sayyid Jafar Murtada Amili, a Shia historian, has compiled reports from both Shia and Sunni sources regarding assassination attempts against the Prophet,[56] and supports the view of poisoning and martyrdom of the Prophet.[57] He attributes the cause of the poisoning to some internal enemies.[58] As narrated in Tafsir al-Ayashi from Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq (AS), the agent of the poisoning was two of the Prophet’s wives.[59]

File:Hijrah Shrine.jpg
Map inside the Prophet’s shrine showing his house and the house of Fatimah (SA) as part of it.

The Story of Ladud

Main article: Story of Ladud

The story of Ladud, which some consider fabricated[60] and others superstitious,[61] is among the events during the final days of the Prophet’s illness. In Sahih al-Bukhari and Ibn Sa'd’s Tabaqat, it is narrated from Aisha that in the last days of the Prophet’s life, when he was very ill, Ladud (a bitter medicine for pneumonia patients) was poured into his mouth, but the Prophet gestured to stop it. When he improved, he ordered that the medicine be given only to his uncle Abdullah ibn Abbas.[62]

Burial

According to sources, after the Prophet’s death, Imam Ali (AS) and some companions washed, shrouded, and buried the Prophet in his house. The burial took place in the chamber of the house of Fatimah (SA), which was adjacent to the Prophet’s room.[63] The exact location of the grave is inside the Masjid al-Nabawi, in the section known as the Rawdah.[64]

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Ibn Abi al-Hadid, Abd al-Hamid ibn Hibat Allah, Sharh Nahj al-Balagha, edited by Muhammad Abulfazl Ibrahim, Qom, Maktabat Ayatollah al-Marashi al-Najafi, 1st edition, 1404 AH.

Ibn Hajar Haythami, Ahmad ibn Muhammad, As-Sawa’iq al-Muhriqa ‘ala Ahl al-Rafd wa al-Dalala wa al-Zandaqa, Beirut, Mu’assasat al-Risalah, 1st edition, 1417 AH.

Ibn Sa’d, Muhammad, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, edited by Muhammad Abd al-Qadir Ata, Beirut, Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1st edition, 1410 AH.

Ibn Tawus, Ali ibn Musa, Tarf min al-Anba’ wa al-Manaqib fi Sharaf Sayyid al-Anbiya’ wa ‘Itrati al-Atayib wa Tarf min Tasrihihi bil-Wasiyya bil-Khilafa li Ali ibn Abi Talib, edited by Qais Attar, Mashhad, Asoura Research Institute, Nashr Tasoua, 1420 AH.

Ibn Qutaybah, Abdullah ibn Muslim, Al-Imama wa al-Siyasah, edited by Ali Shiri, Beirut, Dar al-Adwaa, 1410 AH.

Ibn Kathir al-Dimashqi, Ismail ibn Umar, Al-Bidaya wa al-Nihaya, Beirut, Dar al-Fikr, 1407 AH.

Ibn Nasir al-Din, Salwat al-Ka’ib bi Wafat al-Habib, Emirates, Dar al-Buhuth lil-Dirasat al-Islamiyya, undated.

Ibn Hisham, Abd al-Malik, Al-Sira al-Nabawiyya, edited by Mustafa al-Saqqa, Ibrahim al-Abiari, and Abd al-Hafiz Shalabi, Beirut, Dar al-Ma’rifa, 1st edition, undated.

Arbli, Ali ibn Isa, Kashf al-Ghumma, edited by Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Tabriz, Nashr Bani Hashmi, 1st edition, 1381 AH.

Bukhari, Muhammad ibn Ismail, Sahih al-Bukhari, edited by Muhammad Zuhair al-Nasir, Damascus, Dar Tawk al-Najat, 1st edition, 1422 AH.

Tari, Jalil, “Reflection on the Date of the Prophet’s Death,” Islamic History Journal, No. 5, Spring 2001 (1380 SH).

Jafarian, Rasul, Seerah Rasool Khoda (PBUH), Dalil Ma, Qom, 2004 (1383 SH).

Hakim Nishaburi, Muhammad ibn Abdullah, Al-Mustadrak ala al-Sahihayn, edited by Abd al-Qadir Mustafa, Beirut, Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1st edition, 1411 AH.

"Processions and Mourning Gatherings on the Death Anniversary of Prophet Muhammad in Bushehr", Tasnim News Agency, published 27 October 2019 (5 Aban 1398 SH), accessed 23 July 2024 (1 Mordad 1403 SH).

Hilli, Hasan ibn Yusuf, Muntaha al-Matlab fi Tahqiq al-Madhhab, Mashhad, Islamic Research Assembly, 1412 AH.

Khalifa ibn Khayyat, Tarikh Khalifa ibn Khayyat, edited by Najib Fawaz, Beirut, Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1415 AH.

Darimi, Abdullah ibn Abd al-Rahman, Sunan al-Darimi, edited by Hussein Salim al-Darani, Saudi Arabia, Dar al-Mughni for Publishing and Distribution, 1st edition, 1412 AH.

Durazi al-Bahrani, Sheikh Hussein, Wafaat al-Nabi Muhammad (PBUH), Beirut, Mua’sasat Balagh, 1st edition, 1428 AH.

Dhahabi, Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Tarikh al-Islam, edited by Omar Abd al-Salam, Beirut, Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, 2nd edition, 1413 AH.

Salim ibn Qais, Kitab Salim ibn Qais, edited by Muhammad Baqir Ansari Zanjani, Qom, Nashr al-Hadi, 1st edition, 1420 AH / 1999 AD.

Suhaili, Abd al-Rahman, Al-Rawd al-Anf fi Sharh al-Sira al-Nabawiyya, Beirut, Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-‘Arabi, 1st edition, 1412 AH.

Sayyid Razi, Muhammad ibn Husayn, Nahj al-Balagha, edited by Subhi Saleh, Qom, Hijrat, 1st edition, 1414 AH.

Shahidi, Sayyid Jafar, Tarih Tahlili Islam, Tehran, Markaz Nashr Daneshgahi, 2011 (1390 SH).

Sheikh Tusi, Muhammad ibn Hasan, Tahdhib al-Ahkam, edited by Muhammad Akhoundi, Tehran, Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyya, 4th edition, 1407 AH.

Sheikh Mufid, Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Al-Amali, edited by Hussein Ustadvali and Ali Akbar Ghafari, Qom, Sheikh Mufid Congress, 1st edition, 1413 AH.

Sheikh Mufid, Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Al-Irshad fi Ma’rifat Hujaj Allah ‘ala al-‘Ibad, Qom, Sheikh Mufid Millennium Congress, 1413 AH.

Sheikh Mufid, Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Al-Fusul al-Mukhtara min al-‘Uyoon wa al-Mahasn, compiled by Sayyid Murtada, Qom, Sheikh Mufid Millennium Congress, 1413 AH.

Sheikh Mufid, Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Al-Muqni’ah, Qom, Sheikh Mufid Millennium Congress, 1st edition, 1413 AH.

Saffar, Muhammad ibn Hasan, Basa’ir al-Darajat, Qom, Ayatollah Marashi Library, 2nd edition, 1404 AH.

Tabatabai, Sayyid Muhammad Husayn, Shi’a dar Islam, Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom, Islamic Publications Office, 1999 (1378 SH).

Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir, Al-Mustarshid fi Imamat Amir al-Mu’minin Ali ibn Abi Talib (AS), edited by Ahmad Mahmoudi, Tehran, Islamic Culture Institute, 1415 AH.

Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir, Tarikh al-Tabari (Tarikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk), edited by Muhammad Abulfazl Ibrahim, Beirut, Dar al-Turath, 2nd edition, 1387 AH.

Amili, Sayyid Jafar Murtada, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-Azam, Qom, Dar al-Hadith, 1st edition, 2006 (1385 SH).

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Ayashi, Muhammad ibn Mas’ud, Tafsir al-Ayashi, Tehran, Al-Matba’a al-‘Ilmiyya, 1st edition, 1380 AH.

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Madlung, Wilfred, Succession to Muhammad (PBUH): A Study of the First Caliphate, translated by Ahmad Namayi, Javad Qasemi, Mohammad Javad Mahdavi, and Haidar Reza Zabet, Mashhad, Islamic Research Foundation of Astan Quds, 1998 (1377 SH).

"Mourning Ceremony of Prophet Muhammad's Death Anniversary Abroad", Mehr News Agency, published 13 December 2015 (22 Azar 1394 SH), accessed 27 December 2023 (6 Dey 1402 SH).

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Al-Muzaffar, Abdul Wahid, Wafat al-Nabi (PBUH), Qom, Maktabat al-Haydariyya, 1st edition, 2007 (1386 SH).

Mahdi, Abdul Zahra, Al-Hujum ‘ala Bayt Fatimah, Tehran, Barg-e Rezvan Publishing, 2004 (1425 AH).

Najmi, Muhammad Sadiq, “A False Story about the Greatest Prophet,” Mighat-e Hajj Quarterly, No. 58, Winter 2006 (1385 SH).

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House of ‘Aqīl (Arabic: دار عقیل) or Mausoleum of the Banū Hāshim was a historic structure in Medina and the burial place of several prominent figures from the Banū Hāshim clan. It was located in the al-Baqīʿ Cemetery and was demolished by the Wahhabis.

ʿAqīl ibn Abī Ṭālib owned a spacious house in the southern part of al-Baqīʿ in Medina.[65] This house was built on the lands that the Prophet (s) had distributed among the Muhājirūn.[66]

According to a report, the Prophet (s) would stand in a corner of this house and supplicate for forgiveness for the people of al-Baqīʿ.[67] Over time, the house became a burial place for members of the Banū Hāshim and was eventually incorporated into the Baqīʿ cemetery.[68]

It was also known as the "Mausoleum of Banū Hāshim".[69] Among those buried in this location were the Imams of Baqīʿ and other notable members of Banū Hāshim, including:

Imam al-Ḥasan al-Mujtabā (a)

Imam al-Sajjād (a)

Imam Muḥammad al-Bāqir (a)

Imam al-Ṣādiq (a)

Fāṭima bt. Asad (mother of Imam ʿAlī (a))

ʿAbbās ibn ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib

Abū Sufyān ibn Ḥārith ibn ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib[70]

ʿAqīl ibn Abī Ṭālib

ʿAbd Allāh ibn Jaʿfar ibn Abī Ṭālib[71]

Some Shia scholars have proposed that Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ (s) may also have been buried in this house.[72] According to the travelogue of Muḥammad Ḥusayn Farāhānī, a Qajar-era poet and writer, during his visit in 1302–1303 AH (1884–1886 CE), there was a grave attributed to Lady Fāṭima (s) inside the shrine of the Imams of Baqīʿ, which was venerated by both Sunnis and Shias.[73]

Fāṭima bt. Asad, who passed away in 4 AH[74] or after 8 AH,[75] was reportedly the first person buried in this house.[76]

File:Grave of Aqil ibn Abi Talib.jpg
View of the grave of ʿAqīl ibn Abī Ṭālib (left)

According to one narration, Imam al-Sajjād (a) renovated this house around 65 AH.[77] A shrine was built over the graves of those buried in this house, and this shrine was one of the shrines of al-Baqīʿ[78] until it was destroyed during the Destruction of al-Baqīʿ by the Wahhabis in 1344 AH (1925 CE).[79]

References

  1. ↑ Al-Dhahabī, *Al-Isrāʼīliyāt fī al-Tafsīr wa al-Ḥadīth*, Maktabat al-Wahbah, pp. 13–14.
  2. ↑ Al-Dhahabī, ibid.
  3. ↑ Al-Masʿūdī, *Murūj al-Dhahab*, 1409 AH, vol. 2, p. 216.
  4. ↑ Maʿrifat, *Al-Tafsīr wa al-Mufassirūn*, 1418 AH, vol. 2, p. 79.
  5. ↑ Sheikh Ṣaduq, *ʿIlal al-Sharāʾiʿ*, 1385 AH, vol. 1, p. 44.
  6. ↑ Al-Dhahabī, *Al-Isrāʼīliyāt fī al-Tafsīr wa al-Ḥadīth*, Maktabat al-Wahbah, p. 15.
  7. ↑ Ḥāj-Manūchahri, "Israʼiliyyat," p. 290.
  8. ↑ ʿAbd al-Razzāq, *Al-Muṣannaf*, 1403 AH, vol. 10, p. 311.
  9. ↑ Bukhārī, *Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī*, 1422 AH, vol. 9, p. 111.
  10. ↑ Ibn Taymiyya, *Muqaddima fī Uṣūl al-Tafsīr*, 1980 CE, pp. 21–22.
  11. ↑ Bukhārī, *Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī*, 1422 AH, vol. 4, p. 170.
  12. ↑ Ḥāj-Manūchahri, "Israʼiliyyat," p. 291.
  13. ↑ Maʿrifat, *Al-Tafsīr wa al-Mufassirūn*, 1418 AH, vol. 2, p. 93.
  14. ↑ Ibn Taymiyya, *Muqaddima fī Uṣūl al-Tafsīr*, 1980 CE, p. 42; Ibn Kathīr, *Al-Bidāya wa al-Nihāya*, 1407 AH, vol. 1, pp. 6–7.
  15. ↑ Maʿrifat, *Al-Tafsīr wa al-Mufassirūn*, 1418 AH, vol. 2, pp. 138–140.
  16. ↑ Maʿrifat, ibid., p. 141.
  17. ↑ Al-Masʿūdī, *Wadʿ wa Naqd al-Ḥadīth*, 1388 SH, p. 118.
  18. ↑ Al-Masʿūdī, ibid., p. 63.
  19. ↑ Jaʿfarī, "Israʼiliyyat in Tafsīr and Historical Books," pp. 43–44.
  20. ↑ Izadi Mubarakeh, "A Study and Critique of Israʼiliyyat in Qur'anic Tafsīr and Islamic Hadith," p. 11.
  21. ↑ Izadi Mubarakeh, ibid.
  22. ↑ \[[1](https://rasanews.ir/fa/news/109025/) "The Problem of Israʼiliyyat in Bukhārī’s Hadith Due to Innovations in Early Islam"], Rasa News Agency.
  23. ↑ Abū Riḥā, *Aḍwāʾ ʿalā al-Sunnah al-Muḥammadiyyah*, Nashr Baṭāʾ, p. 145.
  24. ↑ Maʿrifat, *Al-Tafsīr wa al-Mufassirūn*, 1418 AH, vol. 2, p. 94; Al-Masʿūdī, *Wadʿ wa Naqd al-Ḥadīth*, 1388 SH, pp. 119–120; Al-Dhahabī, *Al-Isrāʼīliyāt fī al-Tafsīr wa al-Ḥadīth*, Maktabat al-Wahbah, pp. 55–83.
  25. ↑ Jaʿfarī, "Israʼiliyyat in Tafsīr and Historical Books," p. 51.
  26. ↑ Al-Dhahabī, *Tārīkh al-Islām*, 1413 AH, vol. 3, p. 397.
  27. ↑ Zarkalī, *Al-Aʿlām*, 1989 CE, vol. 5, p. 228.
  28. ↑ Al-Dhahabī, ibid.
  29. ↑ Ibn Ḥajar, *Taḥdhīb al-Tahdhīb*, vol. 8, 1326 AH, pp. 438–439.
  30. ↑ Ibn Qutaybah, *Al-Maʿārif*, 1992 CE, p. 25; Al-Masʿūdī, *Murūj al-Dhahab*, 1409 AH, vol. 2, pp. 38, 250.
  31. ↑ Ibn Qutaybah, ibid.
  32. ↑ Samarqandī, *Tanbīh al-Ghāfilīn*, 1421 AH, pp. 64, 148; Thaʿlabī, *Qiṣaṣ al-Anbiyāʾ*, Maktabat al-Thaqāfah al-Thaqāfiyyah, pp. 4, 13–15, 20–21.
  33. ↑ Balādhurī, *Futūḥ al-Buldān*, 1988 CE, p. 437.
  34. ↑ Ahmadī Miyānjī, *Makatīb al-Rasūl*, 1419 AH, vol. 1, p. 659; ʿĀmilī, *Al-Ṣaḥīḥ min Sīrah al-Nabī al-Aʿẓam*, 1426 AH, vol. 1, p. 127; Al-Masʿūdī, *Wadʿ wa Naqd al-Ḥadīth*, 1388 SH, pp. 31, 119.
  35. ↑ Ibn Shibh, *Tārīkh al-Madīnah al-Munawwarah*, 1410 AH, vol. 1, p. 11; Ibn Abī ʿĀṣim, *Al-Mudhakkar wa al-Tadhkīr wa al-Dhikr*, 1413 AH, p. 62.
  36. ↑ See: Shahidi, Analytical History of Islam, 2011, pp. 106-107.
  37. ↑ Tabari, Tarikh al-Tabari, 2008, vol. 3, pp. 201-203.
  38. ↑ Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 30-31.
  39. ↑ Masudi, Ithbat al-Wasiyyah, 2005, p. 146.
  40. ↑ Mahdi, Al-Hujum, 2004, pp. 221-356.
  41. ↑ See: Shahidi, Analytical History of Islam, 2011, pp. 106-107.
  42. ↑ See Tabataba’i, Shia in Islam, 1999, p. 28.
  43. ↑ مراسم سالروز رحلت پیامبر اکرم(ص) در خارج از کشور "Mourning Ceremony of Prophet Muhammad's Death Anniversary Abroad", Mehr News Agency.
  44. ↑ For example, see "Processions and Mourning Gatherings on the Death Anniversary of Prophet Muhammad in Bushehr", Tasnim News Agency.
  45. ↑ Amili, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-Azam, 2006, vol. 33, pp. 141-158.
  46. ↑ Ibn Abi al-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balagha, 1983, vol. 10, p. 266.
  47. ↑ Kulayni, Al-Kafi, 1987, vol. 6, p. 315, hadith 3.
  48. ↑ Saffar, Basa’ir al-Darajat, 1983, p. 503.
  49. ↑ Ibn Sa'd, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, 1990, vol. 2, pp. 155-156.
  50. ↑ Sheikh Mufid, Al-Muqni’ah, 1993, p. 456.
  51. ↑ Tusi, Tahdhib al-Ahkam, 1987, vol. 6, p. 2.
  52. ↑ Hilli, Muntaha al-Matlab, 1991, vol. 13, p. 259.
  53. ↑ Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari, 2001, vol. 6, p. 9, hadith 4428.
  54. ↑ Darimi, Sunan al-Darimi, 1991, vol. 1, p. 207, hadith 68.
  55. ↑ Hakim Nishaburi, Al-Mustadrak, 1990, vol. 3, p. 61, hadith 4395.
  56. ↑ Amili, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-Azam, 2006, vol. 33, pp. 141-158.
  57. ↑ Amili, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-Azam, 2006, vol. 33, p. 159.
  58. ↑ Amili, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-Azam, 2006, vol. 33, pp. 159-193.
  59. ↑ Ayashi, Tafsir al-Ayashi, 2001, vol. 1, p. 200.
  60. ↑ Ibn Abi al-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balagha, 1983, vol. 13, p. 32; Najmi, "A False Story about the Greatest Prophet," p. 120.
  61. ↑ Amili, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-Azam, 2006, vol. 32, p. 130.
  62. ↑ Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari, 2001, vol. 7, p. 12, hadith 5672; Ibn Sa'd, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, 1990, vol. 2, p. 166.
  63. ↑ Al-Kulayni, Al-Kafi, 1987, vol. 8, p. 200; Tusi, Tahdhib al-Ahkam, 1987, vol. 7, p. 350.
  64. ↑ See: Al-Masjid an-Nabawi.
  65. ↑ Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā, 1410 AH, vol. 4, pp. 31–33; Samhūdī, Wafāʾ al-Wafā, 1419 AH, vol. 3, p. 95.
  66. ↑ Najmī, Tārīkh Ḥaram Imams of Baqīʿ, 2007, p. 65.
  67. ↑ Samhūdī, Wafāʾ al-Wafā, vol. 3, p. 82.
  68. ↑ Ibn Saʿd, op. cit.; Samhūdī, op. cit.
  69. ↑ Ibn Saʿd, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 31.
  70. ↑ Ibn Shabbah, Tārīkh al-Madīnah al-Munawwara, vol. 1, p. 127.
  71. ↑ Samhūdī, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 82.
  72. ↑ Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 79, p. 27.
  73. ↑ Farāhānī, Travelogue of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥusayn Farāhānī, 1983, p. 229.
  74. ↑ Ibn al-Jawzī, Tadhkirat al-Khawāṣṣ, Cairo, p. 6.
  75. ↑ Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāgha, vol. 1, p. 14.
  76. ↑ Ḥajj and Ziyāra Research Institute, Baqīʿ in the Mirror of History, 2015, pp. 236–238.
  77. ↑ Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 45, pp. 344–345.
  78. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī al-Tārīkh, vol. 10, p. 352.
  79. ↑ Dūrī & Maṭlabī, Akhbār al-Dawla al-ʿAbbāsiyya, 1971, p. 24; Najmī, op. cit., p. 175.

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Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd, ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd b. Hibat Allāh, Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāgha, ed. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Cairo: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Kutub al-ʿArabiyya, 1378 AH.

Ibn al-Athīr, ʿAlī b. Muḥammad, al-Kāmil fī al-Tārīkh, Beirut: Dār Ṣādir, 1385 AH.

Ibn al-Jawzī, Yūsuf b. Qazāwughli, Tadhkirat al-Khawāṣṣ, Cairo: Maktabat al-Thaqāfa al-Dīniyya, n.d.

Ibn Saʿd, Muḥammad b. Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā, Beirut: Dār Ṣādir, 1410 AH.

Ibn Shabbah, ʿUmar b. Shabbah, Tārīkh al-Madīna al-Munawwara, Qom: Dār al-Fikr, 1410 AH.

Ḥajj and Ziyāra Research Institute, Baqīʿ in the Mirror of History, Tehran: Nashr Mushʿar, 2015.

Dūrī, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz & Maṭlabī, ʿAbd al-Jabbār, Akhbār al-Dawla al-ʿAbbāsiyya, Beirut: Dār al-Ṭalīʿa, 1971.

Samhūdī, ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh, Wafāʾ al-Wafā bi-Akhbār Dār al-Muṣṭafā, Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1419 AH.

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Najmī, Muḥammad Ṣādiq, Tārīkh Ḥaram Imams of Baqīʿ, Tehran: Nashr Mushʿar, 2007.




Mubahala (Persian: Mubahaleh) is the practice of requesting God’s curse and punishment upon one’s opponent to establish one’s own integrity and invalidate the other party’s claims. Mubahala occurs when debate and reasoning have failed and both sides remain firm in their beliefs. It is said that practices resembling mubahala existed among certain tribes before the advent of Islam.

The Mubahala of the Prophet with the Christians of Najrān is one of the well-known instances performed in early Islam. According to some traditions, the Ahl al-Bayt (a) also engaged in mubahala; for example, Imam Muhammad al-Baqir (a) summoned Abd Allah ibn Umar Laythi to mubahala. Later Shi‘ite scholars like Mir Fenderski, Ja‘far Kashi l-Ḡhita’, and Allamah Tabataba’i followed the tradition of the Imams by invoking or responding to challenges through mubahala.

Etymology and Significance

“Mubahala” means that two individuals or groups, in order to prove their truthfulness, implore God to curse the one they believe to be false.[1][2] It is invoked when rational discourse has failed to reach consensus.[3]

Historical and hadith sources report that mubahala or invitations to it occurred among various figures in early Islam,[4] most notably the Prophet’s own mubahala with the Christians of Najrān, mentioned in the Qur’an in the "Verse of Mubahala" (3:61).[5] This event is used to affirm the Prophet’s truthfulness.[6] Allamah Tabataba’i regarded the Prophet’s mubahala as an enduring miracle.[7]

Historical Precedents

Some scholars suggest that the tradition of mubahala predates Islam—for example, the people of Ṣām (in Babylonian times) would swear and curse to validate their claims;[8] and, according to Majlisi, similar practices occurred among Jews and Christians.[9]

Rituals and Etiquette

Imām Ṣādiq (a): “O God, if so-and-so denies the truth and confesses falsehood, inflict upon him a punishment from the heavens or a chastisement from Yourself.”[10]

— Invocation of Mubahala

Shaykh al-Kulaynī recounts that during mubahala, participants interlace their right-hand fingers with their opponent’s.[11] In another hadith, participants are told to utter curses seventy times.[12] A further report recommends the time between dawns (sunrise and noon) for such invocations.[13]

Notable Instances of Mubahala

Prophet’s Mubahala with Christians of Najrān

Main article: Mubahala of the Prophet with the Christians of Najrān

Historical accounts state that the Prophet exchanged letters with the bishop of Najrān, inviting the people of Najrān to Islam. They came to Medina and consulted, but refused to abandon the belief in the divinity of Jesus. After debates, mubahala was proposed. The Prophet proceeded with Imam Ali (a), Fatimah Zahra (s), and the two grandsons, Hasan and Husayn (a), but the Christians declined mubahala and sought a treaty instead. The Prophet granted their request on the condition of paying jizya.[14]

Mubahala by Ahl al-Bayt (a)

According to Allamah Tabataba’i in al-Mīzān, some sources state that the Prophet also invited Jews to mubahala—but they declined.[15] In al-Ja‘fariyāt it is stated that Imam Ali (a) challenged those involved in the matter of ẓihār of a slave woman to mubahala.[16] Shaykh al-Kulaynī narrates that when Imam al-Bāqir (a) debated with Abd Allah ibn Umar Laythi and the latter refused to yield, Imam al-Bāqir called him to mubahala.[17]

Mubahala in the Events of Karbalā’

According to Abu Mukhnaf, both Burayr ibn Khuḍayr al-Hamdānī (a martyr of Karbalā’) and Yazīd ibn Ma‘qal (from ʿUmar ibn Sa‘d’s army) invoked mubahala over the question of Imamate of Imam Ali (a).[18] Fayḍ Kashānī notes that ʿAbd Allah ibn ʿAbbās summoned various figures—among them Zayd ibn Thābit—to mubahala.[19]

Shaykh al-Mufīd relates that Khaīrānī, servant of Imam Jawād (a), invited Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn ‘Īsā to mubahala over the succession of Imam Hādī (a), and he eventually admitted Imam Hādī’s position due to fear.[20] Shaykh al-Ṭūsī, in al-Ghaybah, records that al-Nuḥbakhtī, one of the Four Deputies, invoked mubahala against Muḥammad ibn ‘Alī Shalmaghānī, who was later killed.[21] Nuẓayy some note: Abū ‘Abd Allāh Ṣafawānī was debated and mubahala-ed over the imamate by the judge of Mosul, who died shortly afterwards.[22]

Mubahala by Later Shi‘ite Scholars

Mullā Aḥmad Naraqī reports in Khazā’in that Abū al-Qāsim Fenderski debated unbelievers in a city; they boasted of their temples and the ruin of Muslim mosques. Fenderski refuted their claims and, to prove his point, performed the call to prayer and led prayer inside their temple, causing its ceiling to collapse.[23]

It is said that Ja‘far Kāshif al-Ḡhita’, a Qajar-era mujtahid, invited Mirzā Muḥammad Akhbārī to a desert mubahala near Tehran, but he did not attend.[24] Another report states Allamah Tabataba’i invited some of the People of the Book to mubahala, believing it to be a living proof that would yield results if conditions were met.[25]

See Also

Verse of Mubahala

Notes

Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; refs with no name must have content

References

  1. ↑ Majlisi, Mir’āt al-‘Uqūl fī Sharḥ Akhbār Āl al-Rasūl, vol. 12, p. 185.
  2. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsīr-e Nemūneh, vol. 2, p. 578.
  3. ↑ Mohammadi Reyshahri, Farhangnāmah-ʾe Mubahala, 2016, p. 11.
  4. ↑ See: Abu Mukhnaf, Waq‘at al-Ṭaff, p. 221; Fayz Kashani, Tafsīr al-Ṣāfī, vol. 2, p. 17; Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Jāmiʿ al-‘Ilm wa al-Faḍlah, p. 381; al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, vol. 2, p. 298; Ṭūsī, al-Ghaybah, p. 307.
  5. ↑ Qur’an 3:61.
  6. ↑ Paknia, “Mubahala: The Most Distinct Belief of Shi‘a,” p. 51.
  7. ↑ Tabataba’i, I‘jāz al-Qur’ān, 1983, pp. 127–128.
  8. ↑ Louai, Mabahalah in Medina, 1999, p. 65.
  9. ↑ Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwār, vol. 10, p. 65.
  10. ↑ Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, vol. 2, p. 514.
  11. ↑ Ibid., vol. 2, p. 514.
  12. ↑ Ibid., vol. 2, p. 514.
  13. ↑ Ibid., vol. 2, p. 514.
  14. ↑ Ibn Sa‘d, al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā, vol. 5, pp. 391–392.
  15. ↑ Tabataba’i, al-Mīzān, vol. 3, p. 234.
  16. ↑ Ibn Ash‘ath, al-Ja‘fariyāt, p. 115.
  17. ↑ Ibid., vol. 5, p. 449.
  18. ↑ Abu Mukhnaf, Waq‘at al-Ṭaff, p. 221.
  19. ↑ Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Jāmi‘ al-‘Ilm wa al-Faḍlah, p. 381; Fayḍ Kashānī, Tafsīr al-Ṣāfī, vol. 2, p. 17.
  20. ↑ al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, vol. 2, p. 298.
  21. ↑ Ṭūsī, al-Ghaybah, p. 307.
  22. ↑ al-Najāshī, Rijāl al-Najāshī, p. 393.
  23. ↑ Naraqī, Khazā’in, 2001, p. 48.
  24. ↑ “Mubahala as a Method to Counter Illogical Individuals,” Rasa News Agency.
  25. ↑ Būstān-e Ketāb, Marzabān-e Vahy va Kherad, p. 290.

Sources

Abu Mukhnaf, Waq‘at al-Ṭaff, 1996.

Fayḍ Kashānī, Tafsīr al-Ṣāfī, 1985.

Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, Jāmi‘ al-‘Ilm wa al-Faḍlah, 2001.

Ibn Ash‘ath, al-Ja‘fariyāt, 1999.

Ibn Kaḏīr, al-Bidāyah wa al-Nihāyah, n.d.

Ibn Sa‘d, al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā, 1990.

Kulaynī, ‘’al-Kāfī’’, 1988.

Louai, Masiniyūn, Mabahalah in Medina, 1999.

Majlisi, Mir’āt al-‘Uqūl, 1984.

Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwār, 1982.

Makarem Shirazi, Tafsīr-e Nemūneh, 1995.

Mohammadi Reyshahri, Farhangnāmah-ʾe Mubahala, 2016.

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Shaykh al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, 1985.

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Tabataba’i, al-Mīzān, 1996.

Ṭūsī, al-Ghaybah, 1981.

Zawī, “Mubahala as a Method to Counter Illogical Individuals,” Rasa News, 2011.





Companions of the Thicket (Ashab al-Aykah) are a people condemned in the Qur’an for cheating in weights and measures and idolatry. Based on Qur’anic exegesis and hadith sources, they rejected the invitation of their prophet, Shuʿayb (a), to abandon sin, especially fraudulent trade. They tried to stop his mission, and were ultimately destroyed by divine punishment. According to exegetical accounts, they lived along the trade route from Hijaz to Syria. The name "Companions of the Thicket" appears four times in the Qur’an.

Introduction and Identity

The Companions of the Thicket were a people living in a place called Aykah,[lower-alpha 1] situated along the trade route between Hijaz and Syria.[1] Aykah was a well-known settlement near Midian.[2] The phrase “Companions of the Thicket” appears four times in the Qur’an: in 15:78, 26:176, 38:13, and 50:14.[3] According to commentators, the group was condemned for various corruptions, and rejected the message of their prophet Shuʿayb (a).[4] After rejecting their prophet, they were destroyed by divine punishment.[5]

Relationship with the People of Midian

Qur’anic commentators differ on whether the Companions of the Thicket and the people of Midian were the same group referred to by different names, or whether they were separate communities that shared a prophet and similar characteristics.[6] Some scholars, quoting many commentators, argue that Shuʿayb (a) was first sent to Midian, and after their destruction, was then assigned to the Companions of the Thicket.[7]

They cite a hadith from the Prophet (s),[8] a statement by Qatadah ibn Diʿamah (a renowned early mufassir),[9] and differences in the type of punishment mentioned in the Qur’an: the Companions of the Thicket were destroyed by “the punishment of the Day of the Shade” (ʿadhab yawm al-ẓullah), whereas the people of Midian were destroyed by an earthquake (rajfah) and a thunderous cry (ṣayhah).[10] Also, in Surah Aʿraf, 7:85, Shuʿayb is called “brother” of the people of Midian, but not of the Companions of the Thicket.[11]

Characteristics

The Companions of the Thicket are described as engaging in cheating in trade and idolatry:

Cheating in Trade

Main article: Cheating in weights and measures

Research suggests that their most prominent sin was cheating in weights and measures.[12] According to multiple sources, they cheated using false weights and measures,[13] altered scales and colors of goods, and practiced various other forms of commercial fraud.[14] Ibn Athir records that they engaged in all kinds of manipulation and corruption in trade.[15]

Qutb al-Din Rawandi narrates from Imam Sajjad (a) that Shuʿayb (a) built scales and measuring tools with his own hands so that people could conduct fair trade. Initially, they measured justly, but over time, began to cheat and ignore justice in trade.[16]

According to Tafsir-e Nemuneh, the community’s commercial location gave them leverage to purchase goods cheaply and sell at high prices,[17] weigh their goods with care, but measure others’ goods carelessly.[18] Al-Tabari notes that this behavior allowed them to enjoy luxurious lifestyles.[19]

Idolatry

Main article: Idolatry

According to historical and exegetical sources, the Companions of the Thicket were blessed with natural resources but, instead of being grateful to God, they turned to idol worship[20] and even worshipped trees and groves.[21] They also denied Resurrection.[22]

Shuʿayb’s Call and Their Response

According to historical and exegetical sources, God appointed Shuʿayb (a) to the Companions of the Thicket due to their spread of corruption and idolatry.[23] Shuʿayb called them to monotheism,[24] piety, sincerity in worship, and obedience to divine commands,[25] while prohibiting polytheism and idol worship.[26]

He warned them against commercial fraud,[27] corruption,[28] murder,[29] seizing wealth unjustly, and highway robbery.[30] He warned them of divine punishment unless they repented.[31]

However, according to Ibn ʿAbbas, the Companions of the Thicket sat on travel routes and incited people against Shuʿayb (a), portraying him as an enemy and a deviant.[32] Tafsir al-Munir notes that they tried to discredit Shuʿayb (a) through threats.[33]

They accused Shuʿayb (a) of lying,[34] madness,[35] sorcery,[36] and being no better than themselves.[37]

Destruction

In addition to denying Shuʿayb (a),[38] the Companions of the Thicket challenged him to bring down stones from heaven if his words were true.[39] After the final warning, they were destroyed by divine punishment.[40]

According to exegetical and hadith sources, they endured seven days of scorching heat without any breeze. Then, a cloud appeared, and as they gathered under it for relief, fire rained down from the cloud and incinerated them.[41]

Notes

Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; refs with no name must have content

References

  1. ↑ Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 1, p. 185; Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 330.
  2. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 330.
  3. ↑ Dashti, “Ashab al-Aykah,” p. 386.
  4. ↑ Tayyib, Atiyyab al-Bayan, vol. 10, p. 83; Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 341; Zuhayli, Al-Tafsir al-Munir, vol. 8, p. 289.
  5. ↑ Tabarsi, Jamiʿ al-Jamiʿ, vol. 3, p. 170.
  6. ↑ Dashti, “Ashab al-Aykah,” p. 389; Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 331; Tabarsi, Majmaʿ al-Bayan, vol. 7, p. 317; Maybudi, Kashf al-Asrar, vol. 7, p. 147.
  7. ↑ Dashti, “Ashab al-Aykah,” p. 389.
  8. ↑ Ibn Abi Hatim, Tafsir al-Qur’an al-ʿAzim, vol. 13, p. 774.
  9. ↑ Al-Suyuti, Al-Durr al-Manthur, vol. 5, p. 71.
  10. ↑ Khosravani, Tafsir-i Khosrawi, vol. 6, p. 289.
  11. ↑ Khosravani, Tafsir-i Khosrawi, vol. 6, p. 289.
  12. ↑ Dashti, “Ashab al-Aykah,” p. 387.
  13. ↑ Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, vol. 12, p. 380.
  14. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 333; Tayyib, Atiyyab al-Bayan, vol. 10, p. 83; Amin, Makhzan al-ʿIrfan, vol. 9, p. 248.
  15. ↑ Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 1, p. 157.
  16. ↑ Rawandi, Qisas al-Anbiyaʾ, p. 142.
  17. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 333.
  18. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 333.
  19. ↑ Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk, vol. 1, p. 326.
  20. ↑ Al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Arab, vol. 13, p. 168; Bayumi, Dirasat Tarikhiyya min al-Qur’an al-Karim, vol. 1, p. 291.
  21. ↑ Shaybani, Nahj al-Bayan, vol. 4, p. 98.
  22. ↑ Sabzawari, Al-Jadid fi Tafsir al-Qur’an, vol. 7, p. 10; Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 22, p. 241.
  23. ↑ Husayni, Anwar-i Durakhshan, vol. 12, p. 76.
  24. ↑ Al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Arab, vol. 13, p. 169.
  25. ↑ Tabarsi, Majmaʿ al-Bayan, vol. 7, p. 317.
  26. ↑ Husayni, Anwar-i Durakhshan, vol. 12, p. 76.
  27. ↑ Al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Arab, vol. 13, p. 169.
  28. ↑ Amin, Makhzan al-ʿIrfan, vol. 9, p. 284.
  29. ↑ Thaqafi Tehrani, Ravan-e Javid, vol. 4, p. 125.
  30. ↑ Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 1, p. 185; Jurjani, Jala’ al-Adhhan, vol. 4, p. 267.
  31. ↑ Tabarsi, Majmaʿ al-Bayan, vol. 7, p. 318.
  32. ↑ Zuhayli, Al-Tafsir al-Munir, vol. 8, p. 289.
  33. ↑ Zuhayli, Al-Tafsir al-Munir, vol. 8, p. 289.
  34. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 341.
  35. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 338.
  36. ↑ Zuhayli, Al-Tafsir al-Munir, vol. 8, p. 289.
  37. ↑ Jurjani, Jala’ al-Adhhan, vol. 7, p. 97.
  38. ↑ Ashkuri, Tafsir Sharif-e Lahiji, vol. 3, p. 394.
  39. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir-e Nemuneh, vol. 15, p. 339.
  40. ↑ Shah ʿAbd al-ʿAzimi, Tafsir-i Ithna ʿAshari, vol. 12, p. 221.
  41. ↑ Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, vol. 12, p. 380; Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk, vol. 1, p. 327; Tabarsi, Majmaʿ al-Bayan, vol. 7, p. 317.

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Bayumi, Muhammad. Dirasat Tarikhiyya min al-Qur’an al-Karim. Beirut: Dar al-Nahda al-ʿArabiyya, 1988.

Dashti, Sayyid Mahmoud. “Ashab al-Aykah.” In: Encyclopedia of the Qur’anic Sciences, vol. 3. Qom: Bustan-e-Ketab Institute, 2003.

Ibn Abi Hatim, ʿAbd al-Rahman. Tafsir al-Qur’an al-ʿAzim. Riyadh: Maktabat Nizar Mustafa al-Baz, 1998.

Ibn Athir, ʿAli ibn Muhammad. Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh. Beirut: Dar al-Sadir, 1965.

Ibn Kathir, Ismaʿil. Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah. Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, n.d.

Jurjani, Husayn ibn Hasan. Jalaʾ al-Adhhan wa Jalaʾ al-Ahzan. Tehran: University of Tehran, 1999.

Khosravani, Alireza. Tafsir Khosrawi. Ed. Muhammad Baqir Behbudi. Tehran: Islamiyyah Bookstore, 1970.

Majlisi, Muhammad Baqir. Bihar al-Anwar. Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-ʿArabi, 1982.

Makarem Shirazi, Naser. Tafsir-e Nemuneh. Tehran: Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyyah, 1992.

Maybudi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad. Kashf al-Asrar wa ʿUddat al-Abrar. Ed. ʿAli Asghar Hekmat. Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1992.

Nuwayri, Ahmad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab. Nihayat al-Arab fi Funun al-Adab. Cairo: Dar al-Kutub wa al-Watha’iq al-Qawmiyya, 2002.

Rawandi, Qutb al-Din. Qisas al-Anbiyaʾ. Ed. Gholamreza ʿArfaniyan. Mashhad: Islamic Research Center, 1989.

Sabzawari, Muhammad. Al-Jadid fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-Majid. Beirut: Dar al-Taʿaruf, 1986.

Shah ʿAbd al-ʿAzimi, Husayn. Tafsir-i Ithna ʿAshari. Tehran: Miqat Press, 1984.

Shaybani, Muhammad ibn Hasan. Nahj al-Bayan ʿan Kashf Maʿani al-Qur’an. Qom: Al-Hadi Press, 1992.

Suyuti, Jalal al-Din. Al-Durr al-Manthur fi al-Tafsir bi al-Ma’thur. Qom: Marʿashi Najafi Library, 1984.

Tabarsi, Fadl ibn Hasan. Majmaʿ al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an. Eds. Fadlallah Yazdi Tabataba’i and Hashem Rasuli. Tehran: Naser Khosrow, 1993.

Tabarsi, Fadl ibn Hasan. Jamiʿ al-Jamiʿ. Ed. Abu al-Qasim Gorji. Qom: Hawzah ʿIlmiyya Qom, 1991.

Al-Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir. Tarikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk. Beirut: Dar al-Turath, 1967.

Thaqafi Tehrani, Muhammad. Ravan-e Javid dar Tafsir-e Qur’an Majid. Tehran: Burhan, 2019.

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Zuhayli, Wahbah. Al-Tafsir al-Munir fi al-ʿAqidah wa al-Shariʿah wa al-Manhaj. Damascus: Dar al-Fikr, 1991.





Verse 109 of Surah At-Tawbah compares the intentions behind the construction of different mosques. Mosques built upon the foundation of taqwa (God-consciousness) are likened to firm and stable buildings, while those constructed upon hypocrisy are likened to a weak structure on the edge of a cliff that collapses into the fire of Hell.

The verse highlights the contrast between the behavior of believers and hypocrites, reflecting two opposing approaches to religious life. Commentators link its occasion of revelation to the hypocrites and the construction of the Masjid al-Dirar. After the revelation of the verses, Prophet Muhammad (s) ordered the demolition of the mosque to prevent discord and corruption. Interpretations of the verse include the contrast between the actions of the pious and hypocrites, the firmness of truth versus the fragility of falsehood, and the necessity of founding matters on solid principles.

Commentators disagree on whether the collapse of the hypocrites' mosque into the Hellfire is literal or metaphorical. Some support the literal view, citing reports of smoke emerging from the site of Masjid al-Dirar during the eras of the Umayyads and the Abbasids.

General Notes on the Verse

Verse 109 of Surah At-Tawbah compares Masjid Quba, which was founded upon God’s pleasure and taqwa, to Masjid al-Dirar, built with hypocritical and divisive intentions.[1] The verse likens believers to those who build their structures upon solid ground with durable materials, while hypocrites are like those who construct on a fragile cliffside, susceptible to collapse at any moment.[2] This metaphor illustrates the difference in the lifestyles of believers and hypocrites,[3] and emphasizes that the foundation of the faithful is worthy of preservation, while that of the hypocrites deserves destruction.[4] The previous verses (107 and verse 108) also address Masjid al-Dirar and its divisive purposes, prohibiting the Prophet (s) and the believers from praying in it.[5]

Template:Quran sidebar

Occasion of Revelation

Exegetes believe this verse and the two preceding ones (verse 107 and verse 108) refer to a group of hypocrites[6] who, intending to sow division,[7] built another mosque near Masjid Quba and invited Prophet Muhammad (s) to pray in it. However, following the revelation and the exposure of their true motives,[8] the Prophet (s) ordered its destruction, and the site was turned into a dumping ground.[9] According to some reports, Masjid al-Dirar was built at the behest of Abu ‘Amir the Monk,[10] a Christian ascetic opposed to the Prophet (s).[11] It is said that the exegetes are unanimous about the verse’s background.[12]

Literal or Metaphorical Interpretation

Commentators differ on whether the building of the hypocrites literally collapsed into the fire of Hell.[13] Some believe this happened physically, and that the location is a part of Hell, while others consider it a metaphor[14] suggesting a symbolic descent. This view is likened to the verse “And his refuge will be an abyss” (fa-ummuhu hawiyah).[15][16] Qurtubi, a Sunni commentator, prefers the literal interpretation[17] and refers to reports such as one from Jabir ibn ‘Abdullah al-Ansari witnessing smoke emanating from the mosque’s site during the Prophet’s lifetime.[18] Other reports suggest smoke continued to rise from the site during the Umayyad Caliphate[19] and even during the rule of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur.[20]

Interpretations and Lessons

Exegetes derive several insights from Surah At-Tawbah, verse 109, including:

Difference Between Believers and Hypocrites: The deeds of the pious cannot be compared with those of hypocrites. Righteous acts are grounded in solid, principled foundations, while hypocrites’ deeds are built on instability and quickly collapse.[21] Allamah Tabataba’i believes a believer’s religion is based on divine taqwa and certainty, while the hypocrite’s religion is built on doubt and instability.[22]

Stability of Truth vs. Fragility of Falsehood: The verse symbolizes the strength and prosperity of Islam and its followers and the weakness and decay of falsehood. The ambitions of the false will soon crumble, and their downfall is inevitable.[23] Ayatollah Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran, interprets the verse to mean that any institution founded on taqwa will endure, whereas that which is not will perish. Since the universe operates according to the truth, only that which aligns with truth will survive.[24]

Need for Solid Foundations: Undertakings must be based on principles that protect one from Hell and lead to divine blessings. Conversely, building on shaky grounds brings one closer to destruction and Hellfire.[25]

Mosque as a Symbol of Security and Stability: A mosque built on taqwa has firm foundations that no force can shake. Its people live in peace and enjoy its blessings.[26]

Notes

  1. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir Nemuneh, 1992 [1371 SH], vol. 8, pp. 140–141.
  2. ↑ Tabarsi, Majma' al-Bayan, 1993 [1372 SH], vol. 5, p. 111; Fakhr al-Razi, Tafsir al-Kabir, 1420 AH, vol. 16, p. 149; Tabari, Jami' al-Bayan, 1412 AH, vol. 11, p. 25; Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir Nemuneh, vol. 8, pp. 140–141.
  3. ↑ Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, 2011 [1390 SH], vol. 9, p. 391.
  4. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir Nemuneh, vol. 8, pp. 140–141.
  5. ↑ Fakhr al-Razi, Tafsir al-Kabir, vol. 16, p. 147; Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, vol. 9, p. 389.
  6. ↑ Baghawi, Ma'alim al-Tanzil, 1420 AH, vol. 2, p. 387; Meybodi, Kashf al-Asrar, 1992 [1371 SH], vol. 4, p. 211.
  7. ↑ Alusi, Ruh al-Ma'ani, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 19.
  8. ↑ Qummi, Tafsir al-Qummi, 1984 [1363 SH], vol. 1, p. 305; Tabari, Jami' al-Bayan, vol. 11, p. 18; Zamakhshari, al-Kashshaf, 1407 AH, vol. 2, p. 310.
  9. ↑ Shaykh Tusi, al-Tibyan, vol. 5, p. 298; Qummi Mashhadi, Kanz al-Daqa’iq, 1989 [1368 SH], vol. 5, pp. 540–541; Abu al-Futuh Razi, Rawd al-Jinan, 1408 AH, vol. 10, p. 36.
  10. ↑ Qummi, Tafsir al-Qummi, vol. 1, p. 305; Qurtubi, Al-Jami' li Ahkam al-Qur’an, 1985 [1364 SH], vol. 8, p. 257.
  11. ↑ Makarem Shirazi, Tafsir Nemuneh, vol. 8, p. 135.
  12. ↑ Husayni Hamadani, Anwar Durkhashan, 1404 AH, vol. 8, p. 117.
  13. ↑ Zuhayli, Tafsir al-Munir, 1418 AH, vol. 11, pp. 46–47.
  14. ↑ Zuhayli, Tafsir al-Munir, vol. 11, pp. 46–47.
  15. ↑ Qur’an, Surah al-Qari‘ah, verse 9.
  16. ↑ Qurtubi, Al-Jami' li Ahkam al-Qur’an, vol. 8, p. 265, citing others.
  17. ↑ Ibid., vol. 8, p. 265.
  18. ↑ Ibid.
  19. ↑ Tabari, Jami‘ al-Bayan, vol. 11, p. 25.
  20. ↑ Maghniyyah, Tafsir al-Kashif, 1424 AH, vol. 4, p. 104.
  21. ↑ Tabarsi, Majma' al-Bayan, vol. 5, p. 111.
  22. ↑ Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, vol. 9, p. 391.
  23. ↑ Maraghi, Tafsir al-Maraghi, vol. 11, p. 28.
  24. ↑ Khamenei, Tafsir Surah Bara’ah, 2019 [1398 SH], p. 686.
  25. ↑ Baydawi, Anwar al-Tanzil, 1418 AH, vol. 3, p. 98.
  26. ↑ Maghniyyah, Tafsir al-Kashif, vol. 4, p. 103.

References

Alusi, Sayyid Mahmud, Ruh al-Ma‘ani fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-Azim, Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1415 AH.

Ibn ‘Ashur, Muhammad al-Tahir, al-Tahrir wa al-Tanwir, Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Tarikh, n.d.

Ibn Kathir, Isma‘il ibn ‘Umar, Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Azim, Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1419 AH.

Abu al-Futuh Razi, Husayn ibn ‘Ali, Rawd al-Jinan, Mashhad: Astan Quds Razavi, 1408 AH.

Baghawi, Husayn ibn Mas‘ud, Ma‘alim al-Tanzil, Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-‘Arabi, 1420 AH.

Baydawi, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Umar, Anwar al-Tanzil, Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-‘Arabi, 1418 AH.

Khamenei, Sayyid ‘Ali, Tafsir Surah Bara’ah, Tehran: Islamic Revolution Publications, 2019 [1398 SH].

Husayni Hamadani, Muhammad, Anwar Durkhashan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an, Tehran: Lutfi Publishing, 1404 AH.

Zuhayli, Wahbah ibn Mustafa, Tafsir al-Munir, Beirut: Dar al-Fikr al-Mu‘asir, 1418 AH.

Zamakhshari, Mahmud ibn ‘Umar, al-Kashshaf, Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-‘Arabi, 3rd ed., 1407 AH.

Shaykh Tusi, Muhammad ibn Hasan, al-Tibyan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an, Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-‘Arabi, n.d.

Tabataba’i, Sayyid Muhammad Husayn, al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an, Beirut: Mu’assasat al-A‘lami, 2nd ed., 2011 [1390 SH].

Tabarsi, Fadl ibn Hasan, Majma‘ al-Bayan, Tehran: Naser Khosrow, 3rd ed., 1993 [1372 SH].

Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir, Jami‘ al-Bayan, Beirut: Dar al-Ma‘rifah, 1412 AH.

Fakhr al-Razi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar, al-Tafsir al-Kabir (Mafatih al-Ghayb), Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-‘Arabi, 3rd ed., 1420 AH.

Qorashi, Sayyid ‘Ali Akbar, Tafsir Ahsan al-Hadith, Tehran: Ba‘that Foundation, 1998 [1377 SH].

Qurtubi, Muhammad ibn Ahmad, al-Jami‘ li Ahkam al-Qur’an, Tehran: Naser Khosrow, 1985 [1364 SH].

Qummi Mashhadi, Muhammad ibn Muhammad Rida, Kanz al-Daqa’iq, ed. Husayn Dargahi, Tehran: Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, 1989 [1368 SH].

Qummi, ‘Ali ibn Ibrahim, Tafsir al-Qummi, Qom: Dar al-Kitab, 3rd ed., 1984 [1363 SH].

Maraghi, Ahmad ibn Mustafa, Tafsir al-Maraghi, Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-‘Arabi, n.d.

Maghniyyah, Muhammad Jawad, Tafsir al-Kashif, Qom: Dar al-Kitab al-Islami, 1424 AH.

Makarem Shirazi, Naser, Tafsir Nemuneh, Tehran: Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyyah, 10th ed., 1992 [1371 SH].

Meybodi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad, Kashf al-Asrar, Tehran: Amir Kabir, 5th ed., 1992 [1371 SH].





The Column of Ḥaras (meaning "the Column of Guarding") is one of the columns in Al-Masjid an-Nabawi, located near the Chamber of the Prophet, where Imam Ali (a) used to stand guard at night to protect the Prophet Muhammad (s) from potential harm. Due to this protective role, the column is also known as "the Column of Imam Ali (a)."

Toward the end of the Prophet’s life, as potential threats increased, certain individuals were appointed as his guards.

This column is also referred to as the prayer spot (musalla) of Ali ibn Abi Talib, since Imam Ali (a) would pray and worship at this location. Because of its association with him, the Sayyids of Medina would, at times, gather around it to perform prayers. In later reconstructions of Al-Masjid an-Nabawi, the column came to be adjacent to the Prophet’s tomb.

Introduction

The Column of Ḥaras, also known as the Column of Muharas or the Column of Imam Ali (a),[1] is one of the historic columns in Al-Masjid an-Nabawi, located next to the House of the Prophet (s).[2]

The word "Ḥaras" is derived from the Arabic root meaning “protection” or “guarding.”[3] The naming is due to the protective function this location served during the Prophet’s time. Toward the end of his life, the Prophet (s) appointed guards to protect him.[4] These guards would stand vigil beside this column after the Prophet (s) returned to his house.[5] Imam Ali (a) in particular was tasked with protecting the Prophet (s) at this location.[6]

The column is located north of the Sareer Column,[7] and is directly connected to the Prophet’s tomb.[8] Because of this proximity, visitors are not permitted to pray beside the column.[9] The column’s name is inscribed upon it.[10]

File:Usṭuwānah Ḥaras.jpg
The Ḥaras Column beside the Wufud Column, attached to the Prophet’s Tomb

Some Sunni sources believe that after the revelation of the Verse of Proclamation—“...And Allah will protect you from the people...”[11]—the responsibility of protecting the Prophet (s) was entirely entrusted to God, making human guards unnecessary.[12]

However, some Shia scholars argue that this interpretation seeks to disconnect the verse from the Event of Ghadir. In their view, the emphasis on a merely protective meaning is part of an effort to downplay the verse's implications regarding the Prophet's (s) succession.[13]

Attribution to Imam Ali (a)

The Column of Ḥaras, also known as the Column of Ali ibn Abi Talib (a),[14] is considered one of the important historical locations in Al-Masjid an-Nabawi. Imam Ali (a) would guard the Prophet (s) with his sword at night, standing by this column adjacent to the Prophet’s house.[15][16] According to certain reports, other individuals were also assigned to guard the Prophet (s) in this area.[17]

This column served as Imam Ali’s place of prayer[18] and thus came to be known as “Musalla of Ali ibn Abi Talib.”[19] Because of its attribution to Imam Ali (a), the Sayyids of Medina would gather near it in certain periods to perform prayers.[20]

Columns of Al-Masjid an-Nabawi

During the Prophet’s time, the pillars of Al-Masjid an-Nabawi were made from palm trunks, some of which were located within the area of the Rawda al-Sharifah.[21] Each of these pillars has a unique historical background.[22] In successive renovations of the mosque, the wooden pillars were replaced with stone columns.[23] The locations of the new columns were kept identical to the original positions of the historical ones.[24] In the 1404 AH renovation, the columns were clad in white marble and given distinctive designs to set them apart from other pillars in the mosque.[25]

See also

Column of Repentance

Hannana Column

Notes

  1. ↑ Al-Manqari, Wafa’ al-Wafa, Qom, vol. 2, p. 45.
  2. ↑ Sabri Basha, Mawsu'at Mir’at al-Haramayn al-Sharifayn wa Jazirat al-Arab, 2004, vol. 3, p. 236.
  3. ↑ Mohri, Ahsan al-Qasas, 2020 [1399 SH], vol. 1, p. 468.
  4. ↑ Qara’ati, Lessons from the Qur’an, Tehran, vol. 1, p. 1814.
  5. ↑ Khiari, Tarikh Ma‘alim al-Madina al-Munawwara Qadiman wa Hadithan, 1419 AH, vol. 1, p. 85.
  6. ↑ ‘Amili, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Imam Ali, 2009, vol. 2, p. 310.
  7. ↑ “8 Asatin fi al-Rawdah al-Sharifah”, Al-Watan.
  8. ↑ “8 Asatin fi al-Rawdah al-Sharifah”, Al-Watan.
  9. ↑ Hasan Sharab, Geographical and Historical Dictionary of Hadith and the Prophetic Biography, 2004 [1383 SH], vol. 1, p. 40.
  10. ↑ “8 Asatin fi al-Rawdah al-Sharifah”, Al-Watan.
  11. ↑ Qur'an, Surah al-Ma’idah, verse 67.
  12. ↑ Jafariyan, Islamic Monuments of Mecca and Medina, 2008 [1387 SH], vol. 1, p. 223.
  13. ↑ Various authors, Ayat al-Ghadir, 1998 [1377 SH], vol. 1, pp. 187–189.
  14. ↑ Rabbani Khalkhali, Umm al-Banin (a), vol. 1, p. 212.
  15. ↑ Mohri, Ahsan al-Qasas, 2020 [1399 SH], vol. 1, p. 469.
  16. ↑ Sabri Basha, Mawsu'at Mir’at al-Haramayn al-Sharifayn wa Jazirat al-Arab, 2004, vol. 3, p. 236.
  17. ↑ Qara’ati, Lessons from the Qur’an, Tehran, vol. 1, p. 1814.
  18. ↑ Jafariyan, Islamic Monuments of Mecca and Medina, 2008 [1387 SH], vol. 1, p. 223.
  19. ↑ Hasan Sharab, Geographical and Historical Dictionary of Hadith and the Prophetic Biography, 2004 [1383 SH], vol. 1, p. 40.
  20. ↑ Sabri Basha, Mawsu'at Mir’at al-Haramayn al-Sharifayn wa Jazirat al-Arab, 2004, vol. 3, p. 236.
  21. ↑ “What Are the ‘Asatin’ Linked to the History of the Prophet’s Mosque?”, Al-Arabiya.
  22. ↑ “What Are the ‘Asatin’ Linked to the History of the Prophet’s Mosque?”, Al-Arabiya.
  23. ↑ “8 Asatin fi al-Rawdah al-Sharifah”, Al-Watan.
  24. ↑ “What Are the ‘Asatin’ Linked to the History of the Prophet’s Mosque?”, Al-Arabiya.
  25. ↑ “What Are the ‘Asatin’ Linked to the History of the Prophet’s Mosque?”, Al-Arabiya.

References

“8 Asatin fi al-Rawdah al-Sharifah,” Al-Watan, accessed January 11, 2025.

Various authors, Ayat al-Ghadir (A Study of the Farewell Sermon and the Interpretation of the Ghadir Verses), Qom: Al-Mustafa Center for Islamic Studies, 1998 [1377 SH].

Hasan Sharab, Muhammad Muhammad, Geographical and Historical Dictionary of Hadith and the Prophetic Biography, trans. Hamidreza Sheikhi, edited by Mohammadreza Na’mati, Tehran: Moshar, 2004 [1383 SH].

Khiari, Ahmad Yasin Ahmad, Tarikh Ma‘alim al-Madina al-Munawwara Qadiman wa Hadithan, Saudi Arabia: General Secretariat for the Centennial Celebration of the Founding of the Kingdom, 1419 AH.

Rabbani Khalkhali, Ali, Umm al-Banin (a), the Shining Star in the City of the Trusted Prophet, edited by Ali Ashraf, Qom: Dar al-Kitab al-Islami, 2007.

Sabri Basha, Ayyub, Mawsu'at Mir’at al-Haramayn al-Sharifayn wa Jazirat al-Arab, trans. Majda Ma‘ruf, Hussein Mujib al-Misri, Abdulaziz ‘Awad, Cairo: Dar al-Afaq al-‘Arabiyya, 2004.

‘Amili, Sayyid Ja‘far Murtada, Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Imam Ali (a), n.p., Center for Islamic Studies, 2009.

Qara’ati, Mohsen, Lessons from the Qur’an, Tehran: Lessons from the Qur’an Cultural Institute, n.d.

“What Are the ‘Asatin’ Linked to the History of the Prophet’s Mosque?,” Al-Arabiya, accessed January 11, 2025.

Al-Manqari, Nasr ibn Muzahim, Wafa’ al-Wafa bi Akhbar Dar al-Mustafa, Qom: Ayatollah Mar‘ashi Najafi Library, n.d.

Mohri, Mohammad Jawad, Ahsan al-Qasas, Qom: Makth Andisheh, 2020 [1399 SH].


Euthanasia is the intentional ending of a person's life out of compassion, typically in cases of incurable and severe suffering. It is typically carried out either by administering a painless lethal substance or by withholding necessary and essential medical care. The former is called active euthanasia, and the latter is known as passive euthanasia. Sometimes, medication is made available to the patient so they can end their life themselves. This is called indirect euthanasia. Euthanasia is considered one of the contemporary jurisprudential issues.

Shi’a jurists consider active euthanasia to be forbidden (haram), and if it is performed without the patient’s consent, the patient’s legal guardian has the right to demand qisas (retribution) or diya (blood money). However, there is a difference of fatwa among jurists regarding cases where the patient consents: some believe the guardian still has the right to qisas or diya, while others disagree. Passive euthanasia is also subject to differing fatwas: some deem it forbidden, while others state that if the patient suffers from an incurable disease and endures pain, treatment is not wajib (obligatory).

Shi’a jurists consider indirect euthanasia—where the patient consumes the medication themselves—as suicide and issue fatwas declaring it forbidden.

Concept and Position

Euthanasia means ending the life of a person afflicted with an incurable and painful disease.[1] This is done out of compassion and using a painless method,[2] by administering a lethal substance or ceasing essential medical care.[3]

Euthanasia occurs in three forms:

Active: when death is caused using medication.[4]

Passive: when treatment is withheld, leading to death.[5]

Indirect: when medication is provided to the patient, who uses it to end their own life.[6]

In early Shi’a jurisprudence (up to and including the era of al-Shaykh al-Tusi), killing a consenting person is discussed as haram, but there is no specific discussion of euthanasia.[7] Thus, euthanasia is considered a modern jurisprudential issue.[8]

The jurisprudential discussion of euthanasia is separate from the issue of brain death; a jurist may permit disconnecting a patient in a coma or brain-dead state, yet still rule passive euthanasia as forbidden.[9]

Obligatory (Taklifi) Ruling on Euthanasia

Shi’a jurists’ views on the taklifi (obligatory or prohibited) ruling of euthanasia are as follows:

  • Active euthanasia: According to fatwas from contemporary Shi’a jurists, active euthanasia is considered murder and is forbidden.[10] The consent of the patient does not change the taklifi ruling.[11]
  • Indirect euthanasia: Shi’a jurists consider it suicide and thus forbidden.[14]

Declarative (Wad’i) Ruling on Euthanasia

The declarative (wad’i) ruling concerns the legal liability for qisas or diya on the person performing euthanasia. The fatwas are as follows:

Active Euthanasia

If a doctor or anyone else deliberately ends the life of a suffering, incurable patient without their consent, it is considered intentional murder, even if done out of compassion. The perpetrator is liable for qisas or diya.[15]

However, if the patient consented, jurists are divided:

No qisas or diya: Jurists like Seyed Abd al-A’la Sabzevari, Imam Khomeini, and Sayyid Muhammad Sadiq Ruhani believe consent nullifies the right to qisas or diya.[16]

Qisas and diya remain: Jurists like Abu l-Qasim al-Khoei, Mirza Jawad Tabrizi, and Jafar Subhani maintain that consent does not nullify liability because a person cannot legally permit their own destruction.[17]

Passive Euthanasia

According to jurists, if someone sees a person in a perilous state and does not save them despite being able to, they are sinful but not liable for diya or qisas.[18] Therefore, if a doctor refuses to treat a patient who then dies, the doctor is sinful, but not legally liable, and the heirs have no right to diya or qisas.[19]

Notes

  1. ↑ Anwari, Farhang-i ruz-i Sukhan, p. 38.
  2. ↑ Anwari, Farhang-i ruz-i Sukhan, pp. 38–39.
  3. ↑ Yazdanifar, Utanaza az manzar-i fiqh wa huquq, p. 28.
  4. ↑ Ghasimi, Danishnama-yi fiqh-i pizishkii, vol. 3, p. 323, 2016.
  5. ↑ Ghasimi, Danishnama-yi fiqh-i pizishkii, vol. 3, p. 323, 2016.
  6. ↑ Ghasimi, Danishnama-yi fiqh-i pizishkii, vol. 3, p. 323, 2016.
  7. ↑ For example, see al-Muhaqqiq al-Hilli, Shara'i' al-Islam, 1988, vol. 4, p. 180.
  8. ↑ Khudayar, "Istind bi qa'ida-yi idhn baray-i mashru'iyyat-i utanazi dawtalabana-yi fa'al", p. 36.
  9. ↑ See Makarim Shirazi, Istiftāʾāt-i jadid, vol. 1, pp. 479–480; al-Khu'i Tabrizi, Comprehensive Rulings on Medical Issues, 2011, p. 280; Khoei, Fiqh al-A’dhar al-Shar’iyya wa al-Masa’il al-Tibbiyya, 2001, p. 198.
  10. ↑ Montazeri, Medical Rulings, 2002, p. 122; Fadhil Lankarani, Rulings for Patients and Doctors, 2006, p. 152; Makarem Shirazi, New Istiftāʾāt, vol. 1, p. 479; idem, Medical Rulings, 2008, p. 116; Khoei and Tabrizi, Comprehensive Medical Rulings, pp. 280–281; Safi Golpaygani, Medical Istiftāʾāt, 2016, p. 100; Alavi Gorgani, Medical Istiftāʾāt, 2017, p. 40; Ghasemi, Medical Jurisprudence Encyclopedia, vol. 3, p. 305.
  11. ↑ Fadhil Lankarani, Rulings for Patients and Doctors, p. 152; Makarem Shirazi, New Istiftāʾāt, vol. 1, p. 479.
  12. ↑ Safi Golpaygani, Medical Istiftāʾāt, p. 100; Makarem Shirazi, New Istiftāʾāt, vol. 1, p. 479; Montazeri, Medical Rulings, p. 122.
  13. ↑ See: Khoei, Fiqh al-A’dhar al-Shar’iyya, p. 198; “Rulings on Euthanasia (Mercy Killing)”, Office of the Supreme Leader; Khoei & Tabrizi, Comprehensive Medical Rulings, p. 281.
  14. ↑ See: Montazeri, Medical Rulings, p. 123; Ghasemi, Medical Jurisprudence Encyclopedia, vol. 3, p. 303.
  15. ↑ Safi Golpaygani, Medical Istiftāʾāt, p. 100; Ansari Qomi, “Mercy Killing”, p. 138.
  16. ↑ Sabzevari, Muhadhdhab al-Ahkam, vol. 28, p. 199; Imam Khomeini, Tahrir al-Wasila, vol. 2, p. 489; Rouhani, Fiqh al-Sadiq, vol. 26, p. 34.
  17. ↑ Khoei, Mabani Takmila al-Minhaj, vol. 42, p. 18; Tabrizi, Tanqih Mabani al-Ahkam, pp. 47–48; Subhani, Rulings on Qisas in Islamic Law, p. 93.
  18. ↑ See: Allama al-Hilli, Tahrir al-ahkam, vol. 5, p. 551; Najafi, Jawahir al-kalam, vol. 43, p. 153.
  19. ↑ Ansari Qummi, Qatl az ruy-i tarahhum, p. 141.

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