Draft:Al-Wāthiq al-'Abbāsī
| Al-Wathiq bi-llah | |
|---|---|
| Full Name | Harun b. Muhammad al-Mu'tasim |
| Teknonym | Abu Ja'far |
| Epithet | Al-Wathiq bi-llah |
| Well-known As | Al-Wathiq |
| Religious Affiliation | Islam |
| Lineage | Abbasid |
| Well-known Relatives | Al-Mu'tasim al-Abbasi (Father), Qaratis (Mother), Al-Mutawakkil al-Abbasi (Brother) |
| Birth | 196/811-12 |
| Places of Residence | Samarra |
| Death | 232/847 |
| Cause of Death | Illness (Dropsy) |
| Burial Place | Samarra, Haruniyya Dome |
| Era | Abbasid |
| Notable roles | 9th Abbasid Caliph |
| Activities | Developing Samarra, Supporting Mu'tazila, Mihna |
Al-Wāthiq al-'Abbāsī or Al-Wāthiq bi-llāh served as the ninth Abbasid caliph. His caliphate coincided with the Imamate of Imam al-Hadi (a). In contrast to other Abbasid caliphs, al-Wathiq exerted minimal pressure on Imam al-Hadi (a) and the Shi'a. During this period, Imam al-Hadi (a), building upon the efforts of previous Imams, took effective measures to promote the School of Ahl al-Bayt (a) and support the Shi'a community. Historical accounts suggest that al-Wathiq treated the family of Abu Talib and the Shi'a with benevolence and improved their standard of living.
Al-Wathiq also demonstrated a keen interest in scientific, cultural, and literary matters, offering patronage to poets and scholars. Theologically, he was inclined towards Mu'tazila and adhered to the policies of the Mihna period; specifically, he pressured opponents of the Theory of the Creation of the Qur'an, a stance that generated public dissatisfaction and fomented conspiracies against his rule.
His other administrative actions included the suppression of revolts, the development of the city of Samarra, the combating of economic corruption, and endeavors to alleviate Poverty and Begging in cities such as Mecca and Medina. While al-Wathiq's caliphate is characterized as a period of relative stability regarding the transition of power, the ascending influence of the Turks during his era signaled the conclusion of the Abbasid Golden Age.
The Last Caliph of the First Abbasid Era
Harun b. Muhammad al-Mu'tasim, bearing the regnal title "Al-Wathiq bi-llah",[1] was the ninth Abbasid caliph.[2] His Kunya is recorded as "Abu Ja'far".[3] Most sources estimate the duration of his Caliphate to be approximately five years and nine months.[4]
Al-Wathiq was one of six Abbasid caliphs whose reigns overlapped with the thirty-three-year Imamate[5] of Imam al-Hadi (a).[6] The Imam was contemporary with this caliph from the age of fifteen to twenty[7] and resided in Medina until al-Wathiq's death. Following al-Wathiq's demise, the Imam was summoned to Samarra by the next caliph.[8]
Al-Wathiq is considered a prominent figure among Abbasid caliphs,[9] and some sources report that he performed the Funeral Prayer over the body of Imam al-Jawad (a).[10] Scholarly consensus regarding the year of al-Wathiq's birth is elusive. Some sources cite Sha'ban 186/802,[11] others 190/805-06,[12] and others 196/811-12.[13] He was born to a Roman mother. His father, Al-Mu'tasim, was the eighth Abbasid caliph,[14] and his brother, Al-Mutawakkil, was the tenth.[15]
According to historians such as Ibn Taqtaqi, no significant events or major conquests occurred during al-Wathiq's caliphate.[16] Furthermore, conflicting views exist regarding his age at the time of death, ranging from thirty-two[17] to thirty-eight years.[18]
Some historians identify al-Wathiq as the final caliph of the First Abbasid Era,[19] a period known as the "Golden Age."[20] However, another group posits that his father, Al-Mu'tasim al-'Abbasi, was the last caliph of this era.[21] The conclusion of the Abbasid Golden Age is widely regarded as a natural consequence of the policies adopted by Al-Mu'tasim, specifically his reliance on Turks in government affairs and the transfer of military power and political influence from Arabs to Turks. These changes precipitated long-term unrest, sedition, and disturbances that eventually led to the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate.[22] Template:Abbasid Caliphate Template:Banu Abbas Family Tree
Beginning of Caliphate and Relative Stability in Power Transition
Al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi ascended to the caliphate in 227/842 at the age of thirty-one[23] in Samarra.[24] From his youth, he was distinguished by his wisdom, prudence, and political acumen, and he managed significant government affairs during the absence of his father, Al-Mu'tasim al-'Abbasi. Al-Mu'tasim had also appointed al-Wathiq as crown prince during his lifetime.[25]
The commencement of al-Wathiq's caliphate is viewed as a turning point in Abbasid history; given the succession challenges of previous eras, this smooth transfer of power signaled relative stability within the Abbasid political structure.[26] During his reign, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Zayyat served as his minister.[27]
Like his father, al-Wathiq placed his trust in the Turks, replacing Arab commanders with Turkish officers.[28] During his tenure, Turkish commanders attained high positions,[29] and their influence expanded to such an extent that the administration of key cities, including Medina, fell into their hands.[30]
Challenges and Actions
Although his reign witnessed fewer crises than those of his predecessors, al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi faced significant challenges, including the pervasive influence of Turks in sultanic positions, a deepening class divide, and the economic corruption of governors.[31] Upon assuming power, al-Wathiq suppressed revolts in various regions, including Medina[32] and Diyar Rabi'a,[33] and continued conquests in 228/842-43 in regions such as Messina in Sicily.[34]
He combated economic corruption within the Caliphate's administration[35] and, attempting to alleviate Poverty in cities like Mecca and Medina, distributed financial resources among the Hashimids, the Quraysh, and the general public.[36] Al-Wathiq also engaged in the development of Samarra[37] and dispatched teams of researchers to acquire knowledge from other civilizations.[38]
Interest in Science and Scholars
Al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi is regarded as a prominent poet,[39] musician,[40] and accomplished litterateur.[41] He was reputed to be the most knowledgeable among the Banu Abbas caliphs in the fields of music and literature.[42] Al-Wathiq paid special attention to cultural and scientific matters, extending support to scientists and men of letters.[43] Gatherings were held in his palace for scientific discussions and cultural dialogue.[44]
It is reported that al-Wathiq emulated Al-Mamun al-Abbasi in both demeanor and speech,[45] following his precedent in seeking knowledge and participating in scientific debates.[46] Due to these behavioral and intellectual similarities, some have nicknamed him "Little Ma'mun".[47]
Death without Appointing a Successor
Al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi died of dropsy in Dhu l-Hijja 232/847[48] and was buried in his famous palace, the "Haruni,"[49] in Samarra.[50] According to historians, no traces remain of his grave or those of other Abbasid caliphs in Samarra.[51]
Disregarding the counsel of his courtiers, al-Wathiq refrained from appointing a successor.[52] Following his death, his brother Al-Mutawakkil, who had been imprisoned for disobedience,[53] ascended to the caliphate.[54] Some sources report that al-Wathiq was killed at the instigation of two Turkish commanders, who subsequently orchestrated Al-Mutawakkil's rise to power.[55]
According to Shi'a sources, before news of al-Wathiq's death reached Medina from Baghdad, Imam al-Hadi (a) informed his close companion, Khayran al-Asbati, of the event. The Imam also revealed that Al-Mutawakkil, al-Wathiq's imprisoned brother, had assumed the caliphate.[56]
Relative Freedom of Shi'as
During al-Wathiq's rule, as well as the reigns of his two predecessors, the political and social climate for the Shi'as was more favorable than in the periods immediately before or after. During this era, the Shi'a experienced less pressure and suppression,[57] enjoying a degree of freedom in their activities.[58]
It is said that al-Wathiq continued the policies of Al-Mamun al-Abbasi regarding the Shi'a,[59] to the extent that his lenient approach led some to speculate that he held Shi'a tendencies.[60] However, other sources maintain that his caliphate witnessed no fundamental shift that significantly altered the ultimate fate of the Shi'a.[61] With the accession of Al-Mutawakkil al-Abbasi, the situation shifted drastically, and conditions became extremely difficult for the Shi'a community.[62]
Imam al-Hadi (a) in the Era of al-Wathiq
According to researchers, historical sources provide scant information regarding al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi's behavior towards Imam al-Hadi (a).[63] Nevertheless, evidence suggests that during the Caliphate of al-Wathiq, as well as those of his immediate predecessors, the Imam was subjected to less pressure.[64] Imam al-Hadi (a) seized this opportunity; relying on the careful and calculated groundwork of previous Imams in promoting the School of Ahl al-Bayt (a), he was able to advance this mission and achieve desirable results.[65]
Despite the relative ease Imam al-Hadi (a) experienced during al-Wathiq's era, this should not be interpreted as a total absence of pressure. Like other Abbasid caliphs, al-Wathiq viewed the Imam with hostility and feared his spiritual and social standing.[66] It is also noted that the caliphs contemporary to the Imam, including al-Wathiq, followed the policies of Al-Mamun al-Abbasi, reducing severity towards the Alawids only when the interests of the caliphate demanded it.[67]
Scholars attribute the reduction of pressure on Imam al-Hadi (a) partly to al-Wathiq's Mu'tazilite leanings[68] and partly to the Imam's prudence in communicating with the Shi'as through the Agency Network across various regions.[69]
It is reported that al-Wathiq respectfully invited Imam al-Hadi (a) to a scientific gathering to resolve a question that scholars were unable to answer. The Imam attended and provided the necessary solution.[70]
Connection between Shi'as and Imam al-Hadi in this Period
During al-Wathiq's rule, groups from Shi'a-populated cities in Iraq, Iran, and Egypt traveled to Medina to benefit from the presence of Imam al-Hadi (a). Additionally, Shi'a pilgrims established contact with the Imam during their journeys. However, during the times of Imam al-Hadi (a) and his son Imam al-Hasan al-Askari (a), direct contact between the Imams and the Shi'a populace generally decreased.[71]
Al-Wathiq's Attention and Respect to the Family of Abu Talib
Upon al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi's accession to the Caliphate, he demonstrated special consideration for the family of Abu Talib.[72] He held Imam Ali (a) and his progeny in high esteem,[73] openly expressing his affection for them.[74] Al-Wathiq's behavior towards them was characterized by benevolence and kindness,[75] to the extent that some sources describe it as exaggerated.[76]
Al-Wathiq distributed significant wealth among the family of Abu Talib[77] and returned Fadak to them.[78] According to historians, the standard of living for the family of Abu Talib improved during his reign, ensuring that none lived in Poverty.[79]
According to Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani in the book Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, no descendant of Abu Talib was killed during al-Wathiq's caliphate.[80] He posits that al-Wathiq's leniency encouraged a group of Alawids and members of Abu Talib's family to gather in Samarra, where they lived in relative comfort.[81]
Continuer of the Mihna Period
Al-Wathiq al-'Abbasi adhered to the Mu'tazila school and rigorously pursued the Theory of the Creation of the Qur'an during the Mihna period.[82] He utilized the inquisition to pressure the populace,[83] mandating that judges accept testimony only from those who adhered to Mu'tazilite principles and Tawhid. This policy resulted in the imprisonment of numerous scholars[84] and the suppression of political opponents.[85]
Disagreement exists regarding al-Wathiq's interaction with Ahmad b. Hanbal, the leader of the anti-Mihna movement.[86] Some sources claim he did not interfere with him,[87] others mention house arrest,[88] while another group suggests Ahmad b. Hanbal lived in hiding and refrained from rebelling against the caliph.[89]
During this period, Ahmad b. Nasr was arrested for opposing the theory of the createdness of the Qur'an and conspiring against al-Wathiq; the caliph personally executed him.[90] Furthermore, al-Wathiq conditioned the release of Muslim captives held by the Romans on their belief in the creation of the Qur'an,[91] though some historians report that he retracted this belief prior to his death.[92]
It is said that after al-Wathiq, his brother Al-Mutawakkil al-Abbasi ended the Mihna period and ordered the publication of hadiths related to the vision of God and divine attributes.[93]
Imam al-Hadi's Recommendation to Shi'as
During al-Wathiq's caliphate, the theological dispute regarding the Theory of the Creation of the Qur'an persisted among Muslims, including the Shi'as. A faction of Shi'as believed in the createdness of the Qur'an, while others considered it uncreated. In this context, Imam al-Hadi (a) sent letters to prominent Shi'a figures to prevent the community from becoming entangled in this sedition.[94] By clarifying his position, he warned his friends and followers to refrain from entering this doctrinal dispute.[95]
Notes
- ↑ Ibn Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 228; Subkī, Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfi'iyya al-Kubrā, Cairo, vol. 2, p. 53.
- ↑ Qummī, Nigāhī bar zindagī-yi chahārdah Ma'ṣūm (a), 1380 Sh, p. 428.
- ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 123; Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 477; Khaṭīb Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 14, p. 16.
- ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 151; Ibn Qutayba al-Dīnawarī, al-Ma'ārif, 1992, p. 393; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-Umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 4, p. 286; Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, Port Said, vol. 6, p. 120.
- ↑ Jam'ī az Nūīsannigān, Farhang-i Shī'a, 1386 Sh, p. 122.
- ↑ Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shī'a, 1389 Sh, p. 238.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Jam'ī az Nūīsannigān, Farhang-i Shī'a, 1386 Sh, p. 122.
- ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, 1360 Sh, p. 327.
- ↑ Taqīzāda Dāwarī, Taṣwīr-i Imāmān-i Shī'a dar Dāʾirat al-Ma'ārif-i Islām, 1385 Sh, p. 371.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 479; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 151.
- ↑ Khaṭīb Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 14, p. 16; Ibn Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 228.
- ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-Khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 400.
- ↑ Mustawfī, Tārīkh-i Guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 316.
- ↑ Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Muntaẓam, 1412 AH, vol. 11, p. 178.
- ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, 1360 Sh, p. 327.
- ↑ Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, Port Said, vol. 6, p. 120; Ibn al-'Ibrī, Tārīkh Mukhtaṣar al-Duwal, 1992, p. 141.
- ↑ Ibn al-'Imrānī, al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 113.
- ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i Siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 93.
- ↑ Jān-Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Farhang wa Tamaddun-i Islāmī, 1386 Sh, p. 111.
- ↑ Āqānūrī, Khāstgāh-i Tashayyu' wa Paydāyish-i Firqa-hā-yi Shī'a dar 'Aṣr-i Imāmān, 1385 Sh, p. 178.
- ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i Siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 93.
- ↑ Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 477.
- ↑ Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 477; Ibn Qutayba al-Dīnawarī, al-Ma'ārif, 1992, p. 393.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 479; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 123.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 3, pp. 477-478; Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, 1360 Sh, p. 327; Khwāndmīr, Tārīkh-i Ḥabīb al-Siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 267.
- ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, pp. 308-310; Muḥammad b. Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, vol. 4, pp. 228-230; Ṭaqūsh, Dawlat-i 'Abbāsiyān, 1380 Sh, p. 178.
- ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i Siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 487.
- ↑ Ja'fariyān, Āthār-i Islāmī-yi Makka wa Madīna, 1386 Sh, p. 192.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 480; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, pp. 129, 140; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-Umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 4, p. 284.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 483.
- ↑ Ibn al-'Ibrī, Tārīkh Mukhtaṣar al-Duwal, 1992, p. 141.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 481.
- ↑ Khwāndmīr, Tārīkh-i Ḥabīb al-Siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 267; Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 483.
- ↑ Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, Mu'jam al-Buldān, 1419 AH, vol. 3, p. 198.
- ↑ Bī-āzār Shīrāzī, Bāstān-shināsī wa Jughrāfiyā-yi Tārīkhī-yi Qiṣaṣ-i Qurʾān, 1380 Sh, p. 379.
- ↑ Ibn 'Imād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-Dhahab, 1406, vol. 3, p. 150; Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, 1360 Sh, p. 327.
- ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, al-Aghānī, 1415 AH, vol. 9, p. 189; Ibn al-'Imrānī, al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 111.
- ↑ Ibn al-'Imrānī, al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 111.
- ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-Khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 402.
- ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i Siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 92.
- ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i Siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 92.
- ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, 1360 Sh, p. 327.
- ↑ Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, 1386 Sh, p. 244.
- ↑ Ibn Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 228; Ṭaqūsh, Dawlat-i 'Abbāsiyān, 1380 Sh, p. 178.
- ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 150; Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, Port Said, vol. 6, p. 120; Ibn al-'Ibrī, Tārīkh Mukhtaṣar al-Duwal, 1992, p. 141.
- ↑ Ibn al-'Imrānī, al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 113; Khaṭīb Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 14, p. 20.
- ↑ Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Muntaẓam, vol. 11, p. 188; Sirāj, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, 1363 Sh, vol. 1, p. 115.
- ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i Siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 137.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 483.
- ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 156.
- ↑ Ibn 'Imād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-Dhahab, 1406, vol. 3, p. 150.
- ↑ Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, 1386 Sh, p. 244.
- ↑ Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, 1407 AH, vol. 1, p. 498; Khaṣībī, al-Hidāya al-Kubrā, 1419 AH, p. 314; Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, 1413 AH, vol. 2, p. 301.
- ↑ Rabbānī Gulpāygānī, Darāmadī bi Shī'a-shināsī, 1385 Sh, p. 116; Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyu' az āghāz tā pāyān-i 'aṣr-i ghaybat-i ṣughrā, 1378 Sh, p. 128.
- ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyu' az āghāz tā pāyān-i 'aṣr-i ghaybat-i ṣughrā, 1378 Sh, p. 127.
- ↑ Rabbānī Gulpāygānī, Darāmadī bi Shī'a-shināsī, 1385 Sh, p. 115.
- ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyu' az āghāz tā pāyān-i 'aṣr-i ghaybat-i ṣughrā, 1378 Sh, p. 127.
- ↑ Rabbānī Gulpāygānī, Darāmadī bi Shī'a-shināsī, 1385 Sh, p. 115.
- ↑ Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, p. 809; Rabbānī Gulpāygānī, Darāmadī bi Shī'a-shināsī, 1385 Sh, p. 116.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ "Guftārī az Dr. Rajabī Davānī, 'Ilal-i maḥdūd būdan-i iṭṭilā'āt-i tārīkhī darbāra-yi Imām Hādī (a)", Khamenei Website.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", p. 48.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ "Guftārī az Dr. Rajabī Davānī, 'Ilal-i maḥdūd būdan-i iṭṭilā'āt-i tārīkhī darbāra-yi Imām Hādī (a)", Khamenei Website.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Qummī, Muntahā al-Āmāl, 1379 Sh, vol. 3, p. 1840.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Khaṭīb Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 14, p. 19; Ibn Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 229.
- ↑ Amīn, A'yān al-Shī'a, 1403 AH, vol. 1, p. 29.
- ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyu' az āghāz tā pāyān-i 'aṣr-i ghaybat-i ṣughrā, 1378 Sh, p. 127.
- ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, 1360 Sh, p. 327; Ṣan'ānī, Nasmat al-Saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 295.
- ↑ Khwāndmīr, Tārīkh-i Ḥabīb al-Siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 267.
- ↑ Amīn, A'yān al-Shī'a, 1403 AH, vol. 1, p. 29; Rabbānī Gulpāygānī, Darāmadī bi Shī'a-shināsī, 1385 Sh, p. 115.
- ↑ Ṣan'ānī, Nasmat al-Saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 295.
- ↑ Khaṭīb Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 14, p. 19; Ibn Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 229.
- ↑ Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, p. 809.
- ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi 'Abbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51-52.
- ↑ Ibn 'Imād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-Dhahab, 1406, vol. 3, p. 152; Rabbānī Gulpāygānī, Darāmadī bi Shī'a-shināsī, 1385 Sh, p. 115.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 482.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 482.
- ↑ Jam'ī az Nūīsannigān, A'lām al-Hidāya, 1422 AH, vol. 12, pp. 86-88.
- ↑ Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 335.
- ↑ Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 1, p. 203; Subḥānī, Mawsū'at Ṭabaqāt al-Fuqahāʾ, Qom, vol. 3, p. 89.
- ↑ Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A'yān, Beirut, vol. 1, p. 64.
- ↑ Shahristānī, Wuḍūʾ al-Nabī (s), 1416 AH, vol. 1, p. 408.
- ↑ For example see: Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam wa l-Mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 135; Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, pp. 303, 309.
- ↑ Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 2, p. 482; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-Khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 400.
- ↑ Khaṭīb Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 14, p. 18; Ibn Shākir al-Kutbī, Fawāt al-Wafayāt, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 229.
- ↑ Ibn 'Imād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-Dhahab, 1406, vol. 3, p. 150; Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-Naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 481.
- ↑ Jam'ī az Nūīsannigān, A'lām al-Hidāya, 1422 AH, vol. 12, p. 88, quoting Shaykh Ṣadūq.
- ↑ Jam'ī az Nūīsannigān, A'lām al-Hidāya, 1422 AH, vol. 12, p. 88, quoting Kulaynī.
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