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Al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi
Eleventh Abbasid Caliph
Personal Information
NameMuhammad b. Ja'far al-Mutawakkil
EpithetAl-Muntasir bi-llah
FatherAl-Mutawakkil al-'Abbasi
MotherHabashiyya Rumi
ReligionIslam
Burial PlaceSamarra
Rule
DynastyAbbasids
Contemporary withImam al-Hadi (a)
ActivitiesLeniency toward the Ahl al-Bayt (a) and the Shi'a, lifting the ban on Ziyarat to the Imams' shrines, and returning Fadak to the Alids
PredecessorAl-Musta'in
SuccessorAl-Mutawakkil al-'Abbasi


Al-Muntaṣir al-ʿAbbāsī or al-Muntaṣir bi-llāh (222/837–248/862) was the eleventh of the Abbasid caliphs, a contemporary of Imam al-Hadi (a), and the son of Al-Mutawakkil al-'Abbasi. He assumed the Caliphate in 247/861, succeeding his father. Al-Muntasir's brief reign coincided with approximately six months of Imam al-Hadi's (a) thirty-three-year Imamate. During this period, the Turkish military corps exerted dominant influence over the state apparatus.

Diverging sharply from his father's policies, Al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi opposed the persecution of the Alids and the Shi'as. He positioned himself as a devotee of the Ahl al-Bayt (a) and, upon acceding to power, enacted measures to improve their condition. Under his rule, state pressure on Imam al-Hadi (a) was significantly alleviated. Al-Muntasir implemented a policy of amnesty, halting the persecution of Alids and Shi'as and distributing wealth among them. Historical accounts suggest that this reduction in suppression facilitated the strengthening of Shi'a organization and the propagation of Shi'ism.

Muhammad al-Muntasir authorized the Ziyarat to the shrines of the Shia Imams, a practice that had been interdicted during his father's era, and reconstructed the Shrine of Imam al-Husayn (a) following its destruction by al-Mutawakkil. He restituted Fadak and returned confiscated endowments to the Alids. Further demonstrating his support, he dismissed the governor of Medina for his hostility toward the Alid community.

Alid uprisings, which had been frequent, witnessed a temporary cessation during al-Muntasir's rule, only to resume after his death. It is recorded that no Alids or their followers were executed during his caliphate. His benevolent conduct toward the Shi'as led some to identify him as a Shi'a and revere him as a significant historical figure; conversely, other scholars interpret his leniency as a calculated political maneuver to mitigate internal strife.

The consensus among historians is that al-Muntasir was complicit in the assassination of his father by Turkish commanders. The humiliation and harassment al-Muntasir suffered, coupled with al-Mutawakkil's insults toward Imam 'Ali (a) and Lady Fatima al-Zahra (a), are cited as primary motivations for the patricide. Al-Muntasir himself was assassinated after a reign of six months, the victim of a Turkish conspiracy formed after the commanders discovered his intent to eliminate them. He was succeeded by al-Musta'in al-'Abbasi, a grandson of al-Mu'tasim al-'Abbasi.

Brief Introduction

Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Mutawakkil, known by the regnal title al-Muntasir bi-llah,[1] was an Abbasid caliph.[2] His teknonym (kunya) is recorded as Abu Ja'far,[3] Abu l-'Abbas,[4] or Abu l-Qasim.[5] He was the son of al-Mutawakkil; his brothers al-Mu'tazz and al-Mu'tamid also served as Abbasid caliphs.[6] Al-Muntasir's caliphate overlapped for six months with the Imamate of Imam al-Hadi (a).[7]

Al-Muntasir was born in 222/837[8] or 225/839-40[9] in Samarra. His mother was a Roman concubine named Habashiyya.[10] During al-Mutawakkil's reign, while serving as heir apparent, he governed regions including Mecca, Medina, Yemen, and Taif,[11] and is also mentioned as having served as the Amir al-Hajj.[12] Sources describe him as generous and benevolent,[13] possessing wisdom and intellect,[14] and treating his subjects with justice and equity.[15] He was also a poet of some standing[16] and composed verses on various themes.[17]

Al-Muntasir passed away on Rabi' II 5, 248/June 8, 862,[18] at the age of 25[19] or 26,[20] and was buried in Samarra.[21] While some accounts attribute his death to a cold[22] or severe throat swelling (angina),[23] most historians contend that al-Muntasir died of unnatural causes.[24] It is widely believed that the Turks, fearing for their own safety, orchestrated his murder.[25]

After al-Muntasir publicly identified the Turkish commanders as regicides and cursed them,[26] and reports surfaced of his intent to dismantle their power structure, the commanders plotted his assassination.[27] When he fell ill, they bribed the court physician, Ibn Tayfur, with thirty thousand dinars to poison him using a venom-tipped blade during a phlebotomy procedure.[28] Fearing retribution from al-Mutawakkil's other sons, the Turkish commanders blocked their succession and instead pledged allegiance to Ahmad b. Muhammad, titled al-Musta'in, the grandson of al-Mu'tasim.[29]

The Killer of His Father

Historical consensus implicates Muhammad al-Muntasir in the assassination of his father, al-Mutawakkil.[30] He executed the plot in collusion with Turkish commanders who harbored grievances against the Caliph.[31] Al-Mutawakkil had marginalized the Turks, confiscated portions of their estates,[32] and executed several of their leaders, provoking them to conspire against him.[33] With al-Muntasir's complicity,[34] the conspirators infiltrated the palace at night and assassinated al-Mutawakkil, along with his vizier Al-Fath b. Khaqan, while the Caliph was intoxicated at a wine party.[35] Al-Muntasir subsequently attributed the murder to al-Fath b. Khaqan.[36] Reports suggest that while an initial plot was thwarted by loyalists like al-Fath, the subsequent attempt succeeded.[37] It is claimed that Shi'a circles universally welcomed the news of al-Mutawakkil's death at the hands of his son.[38]

According to some accounts, a widespread belief emerged among both the elite and the commoners comparing al-Muntasir to Shiruya (who killed his father, Khosrow Parviz, and ruled for only six months), predicting that al-Muntasir's reign would be equally short.[39] The memory of the patricide reportedly haunted al-Muntasir;[40] on his deathbed, he expressed profound regret for the act.[41]

Motivations for the Murder

Historians and researchers cite several factors driving al-Muntasir to kill his father:

Humiliation and Harassment

Reports indicate a relationship defined by perpetual animosity, with both father and son seeking to torment the other.[42] Al-Mutawakkil treated al-Muntasir with disdain,[43] reportedly beating him during public gatherings.[44] He subjected al-Muntasir and his mother to insults and issued death threats. These indignities are frequently cited as the primary catalyst for al-Muntasir's decision.[45] Furthermore, al-Muntasir held religious views diametrically opposed to his father's,[46] deliberately contradicting him in matters of morality and faith.[47]

Removal from Succession

Al-Mutawakkil al-'Abbasi regretted appointing al-Muntasir as heir apparent[48] and resolved to advance al-Mu'tazz over al-Muntasir and al-Mu'ayyad in the line of succession.[49] Al-Mutawakkil frequently designated al-Mu'tazz to lead the Congregational Prayer in his stead, a slight that caused al-Muntasir great distress.[50] Al-Mutawakkil's favoritism toward al-Mu'tazz's mother, combined with court intrigues positioning al-Mu'tazz for the throne, cemented al-Muntasir's resolve to eliminate his father.[51]

Disrespect toward Imam 'Ali (a)

It is claimed that al-Muntasir killed his father to avenge the insults directed at Imam 'Ali (a) and to defend the honor of the Imam and his family.[52] While al-Mutawakkil harbored deep malice toward Imam 'Ali (a), al-Muntasir revered the Imam and his descendants.[53] Al-Muntasir openly criticized his father for abandoning the traditions of his predecessors (i.e., the Mu'tazilite school) and for reviling Imam 'Ali (a).[54] He threatened courtiers who participated in this sacrilege, declaring to his father: "'Ali (a) is my cousin, the elder of my tribe, and my source of pride. If you wish to disrespect him, do so, but do not permit your rabble to insult him." Al-Mutawakkil responded with further humiliation and threats to strip al-Muntasir of his succession rights.[55]

In one notable incident involving court jesters mocking Imam 'Ali (a), al-Muntasir's angry intervention resulted in al-Mutawakkil abusing both him and his mother.[56] This event is widely cited as a decisive factor in the assassination plot.[57] Some reports suggest al-Muntasir consulted jurists regarding the permissibility of patricide given his father's blasphemy; they reportedly sanctioned the act.[58]

Disrespect toward Lady Fatima (a)

Shi'a sources recount that al-Mutawakkil reviled Lady Fatima al-Zahra (a) during a gathering, causing al-Muntasir severe anguish. When al-Muntasir sought a legal ruling on the matter, jurists declared it obligatory to kill him, though they warned that committing patricide would shorten al-Muntasir's own life. Accepting this fate, al-Muntasir reportedly chose obedience to God over longevity.[59] Majlisi notes in Jala' al-'uyun that al-Muntasir's early death may have been a divine mercy, ensuring his record remained untainted by the prolonged usurpation of the caliphate.[60]

Attainment of Power

Al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi, previously al-Mutawakkil's primary heir,[61] ascended to the Caliphate on Shawwal 4, 247/December 11, 861,[62][63] at the age of 25.[64] His reign lasted for six[65] or seven months.[66] Throughout this period, the Turks retained de facto control, treating the caliphate as a puppet institution.[67] Succumbing to Turkish pressure,[68] al-Muntasir removed his brothers al-Mu'tazz and al-Mu'ayyad from the line of succession.[69] Although he had cultivated close ties with the Turks prior to his accession, his subsequent attempts to curb their influence fueled their malice.[70]

The wave of Alid uprisings, which had peaked under al-Mutawakkil, subsided temporarily during al-Muntasir's reign.[71] A revolt by the Khawarij leader Muhammad b. 'Amr al-Shari in Mosul was suppressed by al-Muntasir's forces;[72] however, other accounts suggest al-Muntasir granted him pardon and release.[73] Historical records also note military expeditions dispatched against the Romans.[74] Notably, Ya'qub b. Yazid b. Hammad al-Sulami (Abu Yusuf al-Katib), a prominent Shi'a scholar, Muhaddith, and companion of the Shia Imams, served as a court scribe during this period.[75]

Measures in Favor of the Shi'as

Al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi enacted significant reforms benefiting the Shi'as. He was the first Abbasid ruler to repudiate his father's[76] hostility toward the Ahl al-Bayt (a),[77] and is widely regarded as the most equitable of the Abbasid caliphs in his treatment of the sect.[78] His benevolent policies led some to view him as a noble figure[79] and describe his governance as brilliant and sagacious.[80] However, this era of tolerance ended with the accession of al-Musta'in in 248/862.[81]

While some scholars argue al-Muntasir's actions prove he was an honorable person[82] or even a closeted Shi'a—contrasting him with his Nasibi father[83]—others interpret his leniency as a pragmatic response to internal instability.[84] From this perspective, his actions were political maneuvers designed to counter Turkish influence and legitimize his father's assassination, despite the sin of usurping the caliphate.[85] Contrary reports suggest limits to his tolerance; for instance, he allegedly ordered the governor of Egypt to restrict Alids from purchasing property or slaves and to curtail their movement.[86]

Conciliatory Policies toward Imam al-Hadi (a)

Although the policy of forced residency in Samarra continued,[87] researchers note that the intense pressure on Imam al-Hadi (a) subsided during al-Muntasir's reign.[88] Sources record no confrontations between the Imam and the Caliph, suggesting the Imam (a) was satisfied with the restored security and the improved treatment of the Alids.[89]

The Prophet's (s) family, previously subjected to severe hardship,[90] found relief under al-Muntasir. Unlike his father, he demonstrated reverence for the Prophet's progeny[91] and treated the Ahl al-Bayt (a) with gentleness.[92] He honored the Alids,[93] ordering the cessation of their persecution[94] and distributing substantial wealth to support the House of Abu Talib.[95] Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani confirms that no member of the Abu Talib family was executed or imprisoned during this period.[96]

This shift in policy was acclaimed by both the public and the elite.[97] The poet Yazid b. Muhammad al-Muhallabi memorialized al-Muntasir's kindness and the return of peace to the Shi'a community in his verse.[98]

Alleviation of Pressure on Shi'as

Al-Muntasir adopted a policy of tolerance toward the Shi'as,[99] contrasting sharply with the era of al-Mutawakkil, when Shi'a suffering had reached its zenith.[100] Upon assuming power, he halted arbitrary arrests and reduced the suppression of the Imamiyya.[101] Consequently, Shi'as enjoyed relative freedom[102] and protection from harassment.[103]

This relaxation of state control facilitated the consolidation of Shi'a organization[104] and the propagation of their knowledge.[105] Nevertheless, localized pressure persisted in some regions;[106] notably, Ali b. Ja'far al-Humani, a deputy of Imam al-Hadi (a), and Muhammad b. Faraj were imprisoned in Egypt.[107]

Lifting the Ban on Ziyarat

Under al-Mutawakkil, the Ziyarat (pilgrimage) to the shrines of the Imams (a) was strictly prohibited; pilgrims faced torture[108] and assassination.[109] Driven by animosity toward the Ahl al-Bayt (a), al-Mutawakkil had demolished the Shrine of Imam al-Husayn (a)[110] and surrounding structures,[111] instituting a state policy of reviling and cursing Imam 'Ali (a).[112] Al-Muntasir viewed the destruction of the shrine as tantamount to apostasy.[113]

During al-Muntasir's Caliphate, the tomb of Imam al-Husayn (a) was reconstructed for the third time.[114][115] He sanctioned pilgrimages to the graves of the Imams,[116] specifically the Shrine of Imam 'Ali (a)[117] and Imam al-Husayn (a),[118] ensuring pilgrims were not impeded.[119] Historians note that al-Muntasir actively encouraged these visitations,[120] thereby removing the fear that had plagued the House of Abu Talib.[121] The renewed freedom, combined with the Imams' emphasis on the sanctity of the Ha'ir al-Husayni, prompted Alids and Shi'as to settle in the vicinity; Sayyid Ibrahim al-Mujab, a son of Imam al-Kazim (a), is recorded as the first Alid to reside there.[122]

Dismissal of the Governor of Medina

Demonstrating his commitment to reform, al-Muntasir dismissed the governor of Medina, who was notorious for his abuse of the Alids.[123] He appointed 'Ali b. Husayn b. Isma'il as the replacement, explicitly instructing him to treat the Alids with benevolence and to address their needs.[124] Al-Muntasir reminded the new governor of the oppression the Alids had suffered, framing service to them as a means of seeking divine favor.[125]

Restitution of Fadak

Al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi returned the garden of Fadak to the Alids.[126] He annulled the prohibition on Alid endowments[127] and restored confiscated properties to the House of Abu Talib.[128]

Scholars argue that Fadak held symbolic significance for Abbasid caliphs beyond its economic value. Treatment of the property reflected the political stance of each caliph; some usurped it to isolate and weaken the Ahl al-Bayt (a), while others, like al-Muntasir, returned it to signal solidarity and devotion to the Prophet's family.[129]

Notes

  1. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  2. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 181; Zirikli, al-Aʿlām, 1989, vol. 6, p. 70.
  3. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 118; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420.
  4. ↑ Ibn al-Fuwaṭī, Majmaʿ al-ādāb, 1416 AH, vol. 5, p. 529.
  5. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 181.
  6. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 421.
  7. ↑ Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1389 Sh, p. 238.
  8. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 118.
  9. ↑ Ibn al-Fuwaṭī, Majmaʿ al-ādāb, 1416 AH, vol. 5, p. 529.
  10. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 46; Ibn al-Fuwaṭī, Majmaʿ al-ādāb, 1416 AH, vol. 5, p. 529; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289.
  11. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 175; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 341; Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 312.
  12. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 186.
  13. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 186.
  14. ↑ Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289; Ibn Shākir al-Kutubī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 3, p. 318.
  15. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, p. 256.
  16. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 186.
  17. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 186; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 290; Ibn Shākir al-Kutubī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 3, p. 318.
  18. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 251.
  19. ↑ Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 541.
  20. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 118; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 421.
  21. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 50; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 120.
  22. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 50.
  23. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 251; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 353; cf. Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 18, p. 21.
  24. ↑ Ibn al-ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, 1406 AH, vol. 3, p. 225; Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, p. 256; Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 386.
  25. ↑ Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 541; Ibn al-ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, 1406 AH, vol. 3, p. 225.
  26. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, pp. 420-421; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289; Ibn Shākir al-Kutubī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 3, p. 318.
  27. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 50; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Ibn al-ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, 1406 AH, vol. 3, p. 225.
  28. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 50; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289.
  29. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 354; Ibn al-ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, 1406 AH, vol. 3, p. 225; Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 237.
  30. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 225; Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa-l-tārīkh, vol. 6, p. 123.
  31. ↑ Ḥamawī, Anīs al-muʾminīn, 1363 Sh, p. 227; Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289.
  32. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 222; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 350; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 272.
  33. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 36-39.
  34. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 225-226; Ibn al-ʿImrānī, al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 119.
  35. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 36-39; Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 185-186.
  36. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 234; Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 372.
  37. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 371.
  38. ↑ Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, p. 254.
  39. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 252; Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 372.
  40. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 115; Zirikli, al-Aʿlām, 1989, vol. 6, p. 70.
  41. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 421; Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 541.
  42. ↑ Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā, al-Fakhrī, 1418 AH, p. 234.
  43. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 379.
  44. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 225.
  45. ↑ Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 291; Ḥamawī, Anīs al-muʾminīn, 1363 Sh, p. 227; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 272.
  46. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 186.
  47. ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, n.d., pp. 479-480.
  48. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  49. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 371.
  50. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 222; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 349.
  51. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 371.
  52. ↑ Amīnī, al-Ghadīr, 1416 AH, vol. 3, p. 67.
  53. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 379.
  54. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 349.
  55. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 349; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 55.
  56. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 56.
  57. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 56; Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, pp. 243-244; cf. Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  58. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 115.
  59. ↑ Majlisī, Jalāʾ al-ʿuyūn, 1382 Sh, pp. 814-815; Qummī, Damʿ al-sujūm, 1381 Sh, p. 515; Jamʿī az nivīsandigān, Pazhūheshī dar maqtal-hā-yi Fārsī, 1386 Sh, p. 107.
  60. ↑ Majlisī, Jalāʾ al-ʿuyūn, 1382 Sh, p. 815.
  61. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 175; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 118; Ibn al-ʿImrānī, al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 117.
  62. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 18, p. 18.
  63. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 46; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 118; Ibn al-Fuwaṭī, Majmaʿ al-ādāb, 1416 AH, vol. 5, p. 529; Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, 1428 AH, vol. 2, p. 541.
  64. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 46.
  65. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 46; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, 1417 AH, vol. 2, p. 118.
  66. ↑ Ibn al-ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, 1406 AH, vol. 3, p. 224.
  67. ↑ Mudarrisī, Imāmān-i Shīʿa wa junbish-hā-yi maktabī, 1369 Sh, p. 317; Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, 1386 Sh, p. 244.
  68. ↑ Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 273.
  69. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 244; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 18, p. 20.
  70. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 372.
  71. ↑ Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, 1386 Sh, p. 246.
  72. ↑ Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 374.
  73. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 53.
  74. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 240; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 353; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 18, pp. 19-20.
  75. ↑ Shabastarī, Subul al-rashād, 1421 AH, vol. 1, pp. 288-291.
  76. ↑ Zirikli, al-Aʿlām, 1989, vol. 6, p. 70.
  77. ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, n.d., p. 504.
  78. ↑ Āyinavand, Adabīyyāt-i siyāsī-yi tashayyuʿ, 1387 Sh, p. 291.
  79. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 386.
  80. ↑ Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, pp. 254-255.
  81. ↑ Ḥusayn, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi ghaybat-i Imām-i davāzdahum (aj), 1385 Sh, p. 85.
  82. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 385.
  83. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  84. ↑ Rafīʿī, Zindagī-yi aʾimma (a), n.d., p. 277.
  85. ↑ "Muntasir al-'Abbasi and the Ahl al-Bayt", International Assembly of Shi'a Studies.
  86. ↑ Maqrīzī, al-Mawāʿiẓ wa-l-iʿtibār, 1418 AH, vol. 4, p. 159.
  87. ↑ Maʿrūf al-Ḥasanī, Zindagānī-yi davāzdah Imām, 1382 Sh, vol. 2, p. 498; Rafīʿī, Zindagī-yi aʾimma (a), n.d., p. 277.
  88. ↑ Rafīʿī, Zindagī-yi aʾimma (a), n.d., p. 277; Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa (a), n.d., p. 511.
  89. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 386.
  90. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51.
  91. ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, n.d., p. 504.
  92. ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, n.d., p. 479; Āyinavand, Adabīyyāt-i siyāsī-yi tashayyuʿ, 1387 Sh, p. 291; Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 372.
  93. ↑ Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, 1401 AH, vol. 2, p. 289; Ibn Shākir al-Kutubī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 3, p. 318; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, p. 273.
  94. ↑ Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 116.
  95. ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, n.d., pp. 479-480; Amīn, Sīrat-i maʿṣūmān, 1376 Sh, vol. 5, p. 223.
  96. ↑ Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, n.d., p. 504.
  97. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, pp. 254-255.
  98. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 52; Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 3, p. 372; Qurashī, Zindagānī-yi Imām Ḥasan-i ʿAskarī (a), 1375 Sh, pp. 254-255.
  99. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 383.
  100. ↑ Āyinavand, Adabīyyāt-i siyāsī-yi tashayyuʿ, 1387 Sh, p. 280.
  101. ↑ Ḥusayn, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi ghaybat-i Imām-i davāzdahum (aj), 1385 Sh, p. 85.
  102. ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ, 1378 Sh, p. 127.
  103. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 52; Karājikī, Ganjīna-yi maʿārif-i Shīʿa-yi Imāmīyya, Intro, vol. 1, p. 41.
  104. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa (a), n.d., p. 511.
  105. ↑ Karājikī, Ganjīna-yi maʿārif-i Shīʿa-yi Imāmīyya, Intro, vol. 1, p. 41.
  106. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa (a), n.d., p. 511.
  107. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa (a), n.d., p. 511.
  108. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, 1380 Sh, vol. 2, pp. 268-269.
  109. ↑ Āyinavand, Adabīyyāt-i siyāsī-yi tashayyuʿ, 1387 Sh, p. 280.
  110. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51; Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, 1386 Sh, p. 244.
  111. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa-l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 9, p. 185.
  112. ↑ Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, 1386 Sh, p. 244.
  113. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  114. ↑ Amīn, Sīrat-i maʿṣūmān, 1376 Sh, vol. 5, p. 223.
  115. ↑ Shūshtarī, Iḥqāq al-ḥaqq, 1409 AH, vol. 29, p. 82.
  116. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51; Ḥusayn, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi ghaybat-i Imām-i davāzdahum (aj), 1385 Sh, p. 85.
  117. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 385.
  118. ↑ Āyinavand, Adabīyyāt-i siyāsī-yi tashayyuʿ, 1387 Sh, p. 291; Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ, 1378 Sh, p. 127.
  119. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51-52.
  120. ↑ Amīn, Sīrat-i maʿṣūmān, 1376 Sh, vol. 5, p. 223.
  121. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420.
  122. ↑ Ṭuʿma, Tārīkh marqad al-Ḥusayn wa-l-ʿAbbās, 1416 AH, pp. 147-148.
  123. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 383.
  124. ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ, 1378 Sh, p. 127; Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  125. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, 1999, vol. 3, p. 182.
  126. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 116; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 420; Ḥusayn, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi ghaybat-i Imām-i davāzdahum (aj), 1385 Sh, p. 85.
  127. ↑ Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 383.
  128. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 51; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh, 1385 AH, vol. 7, p. 116; Qurashī, Taḥlīlī az zindagānī-yi Imām Hādī (a), 1371 Sh, p. 383.
  129. ↑ Ibn Ṭāwūs, al-Ṭarāʾif, 1374 Sh, p. 400.

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