Banu Hashim

Priority: b, Quality: b
From wikishia
Banu Hashim
EraBefore and After Islam
LineageHashim b. 'Abd Manaf
NamingThey are the descendants of Hashim
Geography
OriginMecca
ResidenceMecca, Medina, Kufa
Rule
RulersImam Ali (a), Imam al-Hasan (a), Abbasids
Well-known Figures
FiguresProphet Muhammad (s), Abu Talib, Twelve Imams (a), Lady Fatima (a)


Early Islam

Banū Hāshim (Arabic: بنو هاشم) is a famous clan of the Quraysh tribe who are the descendants of Hashim ('Amr) b. 'Abd Manaf b. Qusayy b. Kilab. The Prophet Muhammad (s) is from this clan. The clan was one of the famous and great Arab tribes before Islam. After the rise of Islam, in the time of the leadership of Abu Talib over Banu Hashim, they supported the Prophet (s) against the polytheists. After the demise of the Prophet (s), Banu Hashim were always supporting Imams (a).

Banu 'Abbas, one of the clans of Banu Hashim, ruled the Islamic region for centuries. Also, some other clans of Banu Hashim have formed governments in different areas of the Islamic world.

Because of their relation with the Prophet (s), Banu Hashim have always been respected among Muslims.

Before Islam

Qusayy b. Kilab was one of the descendants of Isma'il (a), who was living nearly a century before the birth of the Prophet (s). Because of his actions, he gained the leadership of Quraysh and also he was the trusteeship of Ka'ba. After him, his sons ('Abd Manaf and 'Abd al-Dar) gained the positions. But after the demise of the two brothers, their sons quarreled over the positions of Ka'ba. After the two sides made peace, Banu 'Abd Manaf gained the positions of "Rifada" (feeding the pilgrims) and "Siqaya" (giving water to the pilgrims).

Hashim

Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf b. Qusayy b. Kilab b. Murra, was one of the distinguished men of Quraysh, and the great grandfather of the Prophet (s), and Banu Hashim are his descendants.

After Hilf al-Mutayyibin, he gained the two positions of Siqaya and Rifada. He was very careful about the ceremony of Hajj and his two responsibilities.

Hashim was the founder of the two summer and winter trade caravans of Quraysh.[1] He was the main element of the greatness of Quraysh and they were very dependent on him; this was to the extent that after his demise they were afraid that other tribes would defeat them.

Feeding people in the time of famine in Mecca and founding the rule of sharing the benefits of trade with the poor made him famous.[2]

'Abd al-Muttalib

After the demise of Hashim, his brother Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf became his successor, and after him 'Abd al-Muttalib (son of Hashim) gained his position.[3]

'Abd al-Muttalib, in addition to the positions of his ancestors, gained dignity because of his magnificent traits.

He also dug the Zamzam well again, after it had disappeared for a long time. Banu Hashim were always proud of

the well.[4]

The status of 'Abd al-Muttalib became higher in the event of the military expedition of Abraha in 'Am al-Fil; in the event, he presented before Abraha as the representative of the people of Mecca; his encounter with Abraha and his saving the lives of people from the army of Abraha, made Quraysh to title him as the "second Ibrahim".[5]

Some have considered the descendants of 'Abd al-Muttalib the only remaining descendants from Hashim, and considered Banu Hashim equal to Banu 'Abd al-Muttalib;[6] but as other sons of Hashim had also children, the claim is not true.[7]

Connections with other Clans of Quraysh

Because of the dignity of Quraysh among Arabs, the competition between different clans of Quraysh was very important; so every clan was trying to gain a better position among multiple clans of Quraysh.

These competitions are the root of the enmity between Banu Umayya and Banu Hashim; although some questionable historical reports have considered the root of the enmity as some minor events,[8] like that Umayya b. 'Abd Shams was envious of Hashim,[9] or the rivalry of Harb b. Umayya with 'Abd al-Muttalib;[10] even some of the sources mentioned the story of the birth of Hashim and 'Abd Shams (the ancestor of Banu Umayya) as the reason of the enmity between Banu Umayya and Banu Hashim (see: Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf).[11]

After the demise of 'Abd al-Muttalib and mainly because of financial shortages, the position of Banu Hashim decayed, but after the Bi'tha of the Prophet (s), the conflict between Banu Hashim and their rivalry intensified; the opposite groups supposed that rise of a prophet from Banu Hashim is also in the series of the tribal competitions, and is a tool for Banu Hashim to rule other clans.[12] So they were rejecting the prophethood of the Prophet of Islam (s) so that Banu Hashim do not gain more dignity.

In addition to Banu Umayya, sources also mentioned Banu 'Abd al-Dar and Banu Makhzum as the rivals of Banu Hashim. Banu 'Abd al-Dar had their first quarrel with Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf over gaining the positions of Ka'ba (see: Hilf al-Ahlaf). Also Banu Makhzum who were with Banu 'Abd al-Dar in the quarrel,[13] joined the opponents of Islam, especially that Abu Jahl (the head of Banu Makhzum in the time), had a high rank in Mecca, and the rise of Islam was a threat to his leadership.

On the other hand, some clans are mentioned as the allies and confederates of Banu Hashim. Among them, Banu Muttalib is the largest and dearest ally of Banu Hashim. Also clans such as Banu Zuhra b. Kilab, Banu Taym b. Murra, Banu Harith b. Fihr, and Banu Asad b. 'Abd al-'Uzza were with Banu 'Abd Manaf and Hashim in Hilf al-Mutayyibin and were against Banu 'Abd al-Dar.[14] Later, in the alliance of Hilf al-Fudul lead by Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib they became allied with Banu Hashim to support the oppressed people.[15]

After the rise of Islam, Banu Muttalib were associated with Banu Hashim in the support of the Prophet (s), in many of the events. Presence in Shi'b Abi Talib and bearing three years of difficulties with Banu Hashim, is one of the greatest instances of their relation with Banu Hashim.[16]

Khuza'a was the other ally of Banu Hashim. Some sources reported their alliance with 'Abd al-Muttalib, in his conflict with Nawfal b. 'Abd Manaf.[17]

Rise of Islam

In his first step to publicize his call, the Prophet (s) began to convey his message to his family and on the Day of Indhar invited Banu 'Abd al-Muttalib to his home, and invited them to accept Islam.[18]

Banu Hashim showed different reactions to the new religion; some of them accepted Islam and became followers of the Prophet (s), and some of this group -such as Abu Talib- were hiding their faith. Abu Talib hid his faith in order to keep his leadership of Quraysh so that he could support the Prophet (s), he had always used his influence in Quraysh to prevent them from harming the Prophet (s) (see: Faith of Abu Talib).[19]

A small number of Banu Hashim began their animosity and confrontation with the prophet (s), and made all their effort in the way; Abu Lahab, one of the uncles of the Prophet (s),[20] and Abu Sufyan b. Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib are among this group.[21]

Although many Banu Hashim did not convert to Islam at that time, most of them supported the Prophet (s) against the confrontation of other Quraysh leaders, and their hurting the Prophet (s) and Muslims. The presence of Abu Talib, the uncle of the Prophet (s), who was the head of Banu Hashim, had a significant role in the support.[22]

Even when the leaders of clans of Quraysh, imposed social and economic sanctions over Banu Hashim, in order to make them stop supporting the Prophet (s); all of Banu Hashim, including non-Muslims (except for Abu Lahab[23] and Abu Sufyan b. Harith)[24], went to Shi'b Abi Talib, by the request of Abu Talib, and lived there in very harsh conditions, for three years, but did not give up supporting the Prophet (s).[25]

After the demise of Abu Talib, Abu Lahab gained the leadership of Banu Hashim;[26] then the head of Banu Hashim did not support the Prophet (s) as before, so after the travel of the Prophet (s) to Ta'if, he entered Mecca under the protection of Mut'im b. 'Adi, one of the sons of Nawfal b. 'Abd Manaf.[27]

After the emigration of the Prophet (s) to Medina, some of Banu Hashim such as Hamza and 'Ali (a), also immigrated to Medina; but most of Banu Hashim remained in Mecca. Most of the time, Banu Hashim were refusing to accompany the polytheists against Muslims, but some of them were forced to participate in the Battle of Badr, in the army of the polytheists.[28] The Prophet (s), had informed Muslims about the forced participation of some of Banu Hashim in the army of the polytheists, and had warned them against killing them; so Muslims took them captive. After the battle and the release of polytheist captives, some of Banu Hashim stayed with the Prophet (s) in Medina for a short time.[29]

Most of Banu Hashim converted to Islam in the years after the emigration, and especially in the Conquest of Mecca, such as 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib before the battle of Badr (or before the conquest of Khaybar)[30], 'Aqil b. Abi Talib before the Treaty of Hudaybiyya[31] (or in the eighth year after the emigration), and Abu Sufyan b. Harith in the Conquest of Mecca,[32] converted to Islam, and some others such as Abu Lahab died as polytheists.[33]

Time of Imams

Opposing the Gathering of Nubuwwa and Caliphate in One Clan

After the demise of the Prophet (s), the pre-Islamic tribal competitions surfaced, in opposition to the caliphate of Imam 'Ali (a). Most of the opposition to the caliphate of Imam Ali (a) considered his caliphate as the continuation of the rule of Banu Hashim over Arabs; as 'Umar, in his discussions with Imam 'Ali (a) and 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, stated:

"'Arab does not accept that Nubuwwa and caliphate gather in one family".[34]

On the contrary, Imam 'Ali (a) emphasized that only special people are suitable for the responsibility, the ones who are chosen by Allah and introduced by the Prophet (s).[35]

The opposition to the gathering of Nubuwwa and the caliphate in Banu Hashim, caused the unity of other Arab clans against the caliphate of Imam 'Ali (a), because Quraysh clans, people of Medina and their allies, thought that if Imam 'Ali (a) becomes the caliph, the caliphate will never exit Banu Hashim.[36]

This was one of the reasons that immediately after the demise of the Prophet (s), even before his burial, some of the companions of the Prophet (s) gathered in Saqifa and pledged allegiance to someone among themselves, against the introduction of Imam 'Ali (a) by the Prophet (s), and against their pledge of allegiance to Imam 'Ali (a) in the Event of Ghadir. (see: Event of Saqifa Banu Sa'ida) From this time on, the quarrel between Banu Hashim and the rulers have always been present.

Despite these oppositions, Banu Hashim preserved their high status; for example, in the story of the dividing the spoils of war, 'Umar prioritized Banu Hashim and considered them as the most noble of Arabs because of their relationship with the Prophet (s).[37]

Umayyad Bias

With the selection of 'Uthman for the caliphate, the enmity between Banu Umayya and Banu Hashim revived again; because in this period Banu Umayya took control of the power and the ground for tribal acts of revenge became ready; for example, Abu Sufyan asked 'Uthman to preserve the caliphate in Banu Umayya, because there is neither Paradise nor fire (there's only the competition over the reign).[38]

On the contrary, Imam 'Ali (a), rejecting this tribal bias, considered the faith, sincerity, and piety as the essential criteria for the ruler.[39]

Caliphate of Imam 'Ali (a) and Imam al-Hasan (a)

With the beginning of the caliphate of Imam 'Ali (a) (35/656-40/661) Banu Hashim were with him in all of the events. Although Banu Hashim were mainly based in Medina, with the changing of the center of caliphate from Medina to Kufa, some of Banu Hashim went there. Some of the governors assigned by Imam 'Ali (a) were from Banu Hashim.[40]

After Imam 'Ali (a), in the short caliphate of Imam al-Hasan (a) (40/661-41/661) despite the support of Banu Hashim, some of the noble of Banu Hashim, such as 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, the commander of the Army of Imam al-Hasan, joined the army of Mu'awiya, which made Imam al-Hasan to sign the peace with Mu'awiya.[41]

Mu'awiya and the Revival of the Tribal Bias

In the period of the rule of Mu'awiya, tribal conflicts arose more than ever; for example, Mu'awiya in the battle with Imam 'Ali (Battle of Siffin), considered the army of Kufa as the adherents of Banu Hashim.[42]

The view was prevalent in the rule of the successors of Mu'awiya. Umayyad rulers put their effort into rejecting the religious motivations in the history of early Islam, and even the rise of Islam itself; and on the contrary, pretended it was a tribal conflict. An obvious instance of this view, is the words of Yazid, after the event of 'Ashura', when he explicitly rejected the revelation and the prophethood and considered Islam as only a political play of Banu Hashim against Banu Umayya.[43]

When Imam al-Husayn (a) refused to pledge allegiance to Yazid in Medina, Banu Hashim supported him;[44] and some of Banu Hashim (Banu 'Aqil and Banu 'Ali) accompanied him in his uprising against Yazid.[45]

When 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr seized Mecca in 63/682-3 and caused many difficulties for the rule of Umayyads, Banu Hashim refused to pledge allegiance to him, despite their enmity toward the oppressive rule of Banu Umayya; so he exiled, or according to a report, imprisoned important figures of Banu Hashim, such as Muhammad b. Hanafiyya and 'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas.[46]

After the repression of the insurgency of 'Abd Allah b. Zubayr, the Umayyads continued their oppression of Banu Hashim and harassed and tortured their supporters. One instance of the subject is the order of Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik to cut the hands and tongue of Kumayt b. Ziyad al-Asadi, because of his elegy for Zayd b. 'Ali b. al-Husayn.[47]

Despite that the revenge of Banu Umayya put a lot of pressure on Banu Hashim, their influence over people did not decline; for example, one of the reasons mentioned for the defeat of 'Abd Allah b. Zubayr, is his harsh encounter with Banu Hashim,[48] and when Ziyad b. Salih started a rebellion against Umayyads (133/750-1) he was calling for Banu Hashim.[49] Also the supporters of 'Abbasids in Iran were calling people to support Banu Hashim.[50]

Banu 'Abbas

In most of the Umayyads period, despite the differences in clans, Banu Hashim had a united political appearance. But in the late Umayyads period, Banu Hashim had two social presences as the descendants of Imam 'Ali (a) (Banu 'Ali) and the descendants of 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib (Banu 'Abbas).

The growth of the social discontent over the rule of Banu Umayya, caused the formation of uprisings in the first half of the 2nd/8th century. The growing tendency of people towards Ahl al-Bayt and their rejection of the request for an uprising (for the loss of proper conditions), made the opportunity for Banu 'Abbas.

Banu 'Abbas, because of the social status of Banu Hashim, exaggerated their relationship with Banu Hashim, and started their activities under the slogan of "the Hashimi call".[51]

The social background of the conflict of Banu Umayya and Banu Hashim, which the Umayyads had provoked, affected the choice of the title of "Hashimi". The allegiance of Banu 'Abbas was with the title of "Hashimi allegiance", with the justification that the rule is the right for Banu Hashim, and Banu 'Abbas are from this tribe.[52]

So with the insistence of Banu 'Abbas over faking themselves as the progeny of the Prophet (s), the rule of Abbasids was famous as the rule of Banu Hashim. In contrast, Shi'as who did not tolerate the abuse of the title, mentioned them as "Banu 'Abbas".[53]

After all, till the end of the Abbasid period, the title of Banu Hashim was mostly used for Banu 'Abbas, and was against the title of Banu Abu Talib and Banu 'Ali (or Alawis);[54] but before this period when Kumayt b. Zayd al-Asadi composed his famous poem "Hashimiyyat", his intention was to mention the passions of the descendants of Imam 'Ali (a); and today in Shi'a societies Banu Hashim is only told to the descendants of the Prophet (s) who are only remained from his daughter, lady Fatima (s) and his son in law, Imam 'Ali (a).

The political conflict between Abbasids and Alawis caused Abbasid rulers to support the Sunni scholars against the Shi'a belief which considered Ahl al-Bayt as the only rightful successors of the Prophet (s).[55]

Later Centuries

Abbasids ruled till 656/1258.[56] In addition to them, other governments from Banu Hashim, such as Fatimids in Egypt, Idrisids in Morocco, and 'Alids in Tabaristan, were formed.

From the 4th/10th century to the first half of the 14th/10th century a family descended from Hasan b. 'Ali ruled Mecca, who named themselves as Hashimi. Hashimi governments in Hijaz, Iraq, and Jordan are from this family.

Special Rulings

In jurisprudence, there are some rulings specific to Banu Hashim. A share of Khums belongs to the poor of Banu Hashim from 'Abd al-Muttalib, and in return, Zakat is not given to them except in some cases.[57] According to well-known hadiths the reason for this forbiddance is their dignity.[58]

Traits

Honorable traits such as munificence, avoidance the vices, and magnanimity are reported for the descendants of Hashim and 'Abd al-Muttalib.[59] Hilf al-Fudul, in which Banu Hashim and some other tribes swore to advocate the oppressed people till their rights are taken, shows the magnanimity of Banu Hashim.

Ibn 'Abbas mentions seven traits for Banu 'Abd al-Muttalib: beauty, eloquence, magnificence, magnanimity, bravery, knowledge, patience, and chivalry.[60]

Ibn Habib al-Baghdadi narrates from al-Kalbi that Imam 'Ali (a) said: "Banu Hashim are beautiful, eloquent, and magnanimous".[61]

Banu Hashim were famous for their chastity.[62] The other trait is their pride, that even in the harshest conditions, they do not forget their social status.[63]

In the Words of the Prophet (s)

One day the Prophet (s) came out of his house and he was very happy when he was asked about the reason, he said: Jabra'il (Gabriel) came to me from Allah and said: "Allah have chosen seven from Banu Hashim that He have neither created nor will create: You, O Prophet, 'Ali your successor, al-Hasan and al-Husayn your grandsons, Hamza your uncle, Ja'far your cousin, and al-Qa'im, Imam al-Mahdi (a) with whom Jesus (a) will pray."[64]

Also when Muhajirun (the immigrants), Ansar (the helpers), and Banu Hashim were discussing which of them is dearer to the Prophet (s), he said: "As for you, the helpers, I am your brother; as for you, the immigrants, I am one of you; as for you Banu Hashim, you are from me and with me".[65]

There are hadiths from the Prophet (s) in many Sunni sources that introduces Banu Hashim and Banu 'Abd al-Muttalib as the best of Arab, or even the best of mankind;[66] but considering that most of the hadiths are narrated in the time of Banu 'Abbas, it is possible that these had been faked in support of Abbasids, especially since they wanted to stress their relation to Banu Hashim. So the good encounter of the Prophet (s) with some of Banu Hashim was because of their faith not only that they were his relatives.[67]

Status Among Muslims

Banu Hashim have always been respected by Muslims because of their relation with the Prophet (s); and respecting Banu Hashim as a demonstration of respecting the Prophet (s), had always been common in Muslim societies. Some examples are supporting Banu 'Abbas and other governments formed with the title of Hashimis. Other examples are the poems praising Banu Hashim, such as the "Hashimiyyat" of Kumayt b. Zayd al-Asadi, and the respect of Hashimis among Muslims especially Sayyids in Iran.[68]

Notes

  1. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 1, p. 312; Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 62.
  2. Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 62.
  3. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 251-253.
  4. Rasūlī Maḥallātī, Zindigānī Muḥammad (s) payāmbar-i Islām, vol. 1, p. 99.
  5. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 1, p. 364.
  6. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Munammaq, p. 21; Ṭūsī, al-Tibyān, vol. 5, p. 123; Ṭabrisī, Majmaʿ al-bayān, vol. 4, p. 836.
  7. Daʾirat al-maʿārif-i Qurʾān-i karīm, under the word "Bani Hashim", vol. 6, p. 330.
  8. Dāʾirat al-maʿārif buzurg-i Islāmī, under the word "Bani Hashim", Muntazar Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i ṣadr-i Islām, p. 95.
  9. Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 62; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 252.
  10. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 252.
  11. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 1, p. 311.
  12. Maqrīzī, al-Nizāʿ wa al-takhāṣum, p. 56; Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-ṭālibīyyīn, vol. 6, p. 360-365.
  13. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 1, p. 372.
  14. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Munammaq, p. 189-190.
  15. Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 103; Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Munammaq, p. 53.
  16. Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 163-164; Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 1, p. 389.
  17. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 248.
  18. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 319.
  19. Dāʾirat al-maʿārif buzurg-i Islāmī, entry "Abu Talib", vol. 5, p. 619.
  20. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Munammaq, p. 386; Rasūlī Maḥallātī, Zindigānī Muḥammad (s) payāmbar-i Islām, vol. 1, p. 265.
  21. Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar, vol. 2, p. 74.
  22. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 221-324.
  23. Rasūlī Maḥallātī, Zindigānī Muḥammad (s), vol. 1, p. 221; Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 163; Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib, vol. 1, p. 94.
  24. Wāqidī, al-Maghāzī, p. 617; Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib, vol. 1, p. 94.
  25. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 336-339.
  26. Dāʾirat al-maʿārif buzurg-i Islāmī, entry "Abu Lahab".
  27. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 3, p. 348; Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 165.
  28. Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar, vol. 1, p. 333.
  29. Rasūlī Maḥallātī, Zindigānī Muḥammad (s), vol. 2, p. 29; Iṣfahānī, al-ʾAghānī, vol. 4, p. 196.
  30. Ṭabarī, Dhakhāʾir al-ʿuqbā, p. 191.
  31. Ṭabarī, Dhakhāʾir al-ʿuqbā, p. 222.
  32. Ṭabarī, Dhakhāʾir al-ʿuqbā, p. 241.
  33. Rasūlī Maḥallātī, Zindigānī Muḥammad (s), vol. 2, p. 45.
  34. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 5, p. 223; Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-balāgha, vol. 1, p. 147.
  35. Nahj al-balāgha, Khutba 144.
  36. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 5, p. 233.
  37. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 5, p. 209; Balādhurī, Futūḥ al-buldān, p. 627-628.
  38. Iṣfahānī, al-ʾAghānī, vol. 6, p. 371; Maqrīzī, al-Nizāʿ wa al-takhāṣum, p. 59.
  39. Nahj al-balāgha, Letter 17.
  40. Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-balagha, vol. 1, p. 265.
  41. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 141; Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-ṭālibīyyīn, p. 42.
  42. Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, Kitāb al-Futūḥ, vol. 3, p. 153.
  43. Qummī, Nafas al-mahmūm, p. 443.
  44. Qummī, Nafas al-mahmūm, p. 68.
  45. Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-ṭālibīyyīn, p. 52, 60-61.
  46. Iṣfahānī, al-ʾAghānī, vol. 9. p. 21; Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 205.
  47. Iṣfahānī, al-ʾAghānī, vol. 17, p. 6.
  48. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1400 AH, vol. 4, p. 317.
  49. Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ, Tārīkh-i Khalīfa, vol. 2, p. 616.
  50. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 317, 319, 322.
  51. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 319.
  52. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 10, p. 336; vol. 11, p. 427.
  53. Nuʿmānī, Kitāb al-Ghayba, p. 146, 258; Ṣadūq, Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-. Kamāl al-dīn, p. 41.(1405 AH)
  54. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, vol. 11, p. 423, 571.
  55. Dāʾirat al-maʿārif buzurg-i Islāmī, vol. 12, under the word "Bani Hashim".
  56. Ibn Kathīr al-Dimashqī, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, vol. 13, p. 171.
  57. Najafī, Jawāhir al-kalām, vol. 15, p. 406-415; vol. 16, p. 104.
  58. Ṭūsī, Tahdhīb al-aḥkām, vol. 4, p. 57 onward.
  59. Ḥabīb, al-Qawl al-jāzim fī nasab Banī Hāshim, p. 157; Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, vol. 1, p. 75.
  60. Ṭabarī, Dhakhāʾir al-ʿuqbā, p. 15; Ḥabīb, al-Qawl al-jāzim fī nasab Banī Hāshim, p. 157.
  61. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Munammaq fī akhbār Quraysh, p. 41.
  62. Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, Kitāb al-Futūḥ, vol. 3, p. 48.
  63. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, (1400 AH), vol. 4, p. 111-112, 143.
  64. Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, vol. 8, p. 50; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, vol. 51, p. 77-78.
  65. Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib, vol. 3, p. 379; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, vol. 22, p. 312.
  66. Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-balagha, vol. 19, p. 210; Suyūṭī, al-Durr al-manthūr, under the Quran 4:125 and Quran 17:70; Ḥabīb, al-Qawl al-jāzim, p. 153.
  67. Daʾirat al-maʿārif-i Qurʾān-i karīm, vol. 6, p. 343.
  68. Amīnī, al-Ghadīr, vol. 2, p. 181 onward.

References

  • Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. Maqātil al-ṭālibīyyīn. Edited by Kāzim Muzaffar. 2nd edition. Qom: Dār al-Kitāb, 1385 AH.
  • Amīnī, ʿAbd al-Ḥusayn. Al-Ghadīr fī al-kitāb wa al-sunna wa al-ʾadab. Beirut: 1379 AH.
  • Banī Hāshim dar Dāʾirat al-maʿārif buzurg-i Islāmī.
  • Banī Hāshim dar Dāʾirat al-maʿārif Qurʾān.
  • Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-. Futūḥ al-buldān. Translated to Farsi by Muḥammad Tawakkul. 1st edition. Tehran: Nashr-i Nuqra, 1337 Sh.
  • Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-. Ansāb al-ashrāf. Edited by Iḥsān ʿAbbās. volume 4. Beirut: 1400 AH-1979.
  • Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-. Ansāb al-ashrāf. Edited by Muḥammad Ḥamīd Allāh. volume 1. Cairo: 1959 CE.
  • Dāʾirat al-maʿārif buzurg-i Islāmī. under supervision of Kāzimī Burūjirdī. Tehran: Markaz-i Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif Buzurg-i Islāmī, 1383 Sh.
  • Daʾirat al-maʿārif-i Qurʾān-i karīm. Edited by Markaz-i Farhang wa Maʿārif-i Qurʾān-i karīm. Qom: Būstān-i Kitāb, 1386 Sh.
  • Ḥabīb, Jamīl Ibrāhīm. Al-Qawl al-jāzim fī nasab Banī Hāshim. Baghdad: Maktabat Dār al-Kutub al-Ilmīyya, 1987.
  • Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd b. Hibat Allāh. Sharḥ Nahj al-balagha. Edited by Aʿlamī. 1st edition. Beirut: Muʾassisa Aʿlamī, 1415 AH.
  • Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, Aḥmad b. Aʿtham. Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Edited by ʿAlī Shīrī. Beirut: 1411 AH-1991.
  • Ibn Ḥabīb, Muḥammad. Al-Munammaq fī akhbār Quraysh. Edited by Aḥmad Fārūq. 1st edition. Beirut: Ālam al-Kutub, 1415 AH.
  • Ibn Saʿd, Muḥammad b. Manīʿ al-Ḥāshimī al-Baṣrī. Al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā. 1st edition. Edited by Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1410 AH-1990.
  • Ibn Shahrāshūb, Muḥammad b. ʿAlī. Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib. Edited by Yūsuf al-Biqāʿī. 2nd edition. Beirut: Dār al-Aḍwaʾ, 1412 AH.
  • Ibn Kathīr al-Dimashqī, Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar. Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya. Edited by ʿĀdil Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Mawjūd and ʿAlī Muḥammad Muʿawwaḍ. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmīyya, 1418 AH.
  • Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, Muḥammad b. Muḥammad. ʿUyūn al-athar fī funūn al-magghāzī wa al-shamāʾil wa al-sīyar. Beirut, Muʾassisa ʿIzz al-Dīn, 1406 AH.
  • Iṣfahānī, Abū l-Faraj al-. Al-ʾAghānī. Edited by ʿAlī Muhannā and Samīr Jābir. Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, [n.d].
  • Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ. Tārīkh-i Khalīfa. Edited by Suhayl Zukār. Damascus: 1968.
  • Majlisī, Muḥammad Bāqir al-. Biḥār al-anwār. 3rd edition. Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī, 1403 AH.
  • Maqrīzī, Taqī al-Dīn. Al-Nizāʿ wa al-takhāṣum bayn Bani Umayya wa Bani Hāshim. Edited by Ḥusayn Munis. Qom: Intishārāt-i al-Sharīf al-Raḍī, 1412 AH.
  • Muntazar Qāʾim, Aṣghar. Tārīkh-i ṣadr-i Islām. Isfahān: Intishārāt-i Dānishgāh-i Isfahān, 1377 Sh.
  • Najafī, Muḥammad al-Ḥasan al-. Jawāhir al-kalām fī sharḥ sharāʾiʿ al-Islām. Beirut: 1981.
  • Nuʿmānī, Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm al-. Kitāb al-Ghayba. Edited by Fāris Ḥasūn Karīm. Qom; 1422 AH.
  • Qummī, Shaykh ʿAbbās. Nafas al-mahmūm fī muṣībat sayyidinā al-Ḥusayn al-mazlūm. Edited by Riḍā Ustādī. Qom: Maktabat Baṣīratī, 1405 AH.
  • Rasūlī Maḥallātī, Sayyid Hāshim. Zindigānī Muḥammad (s) payāmbar-i Islām. Farsi translation of the book Al-Sīra al-nabawīyya by Ibn Hishām. Tehran: Intishārāt-i Kitābchī, 1375 Sh.
  • Ṣadūq, Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-. Kamāl al-dīn wa itmām al-niʿma. Edited by ʿAlī Akbar Ghaffārī. Qom: 1405 AH.
  • Suyūṭī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abī Bakr al-. Al-Durr al-manthūr fī tafsīr al-maʾthūr. Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1414 AH.
  • Ṣubḥī Ṣāliḥ. Nahj al-balāgha. Beirut: 1387- Qom: Offset, [n.d].
  • Ṭabrisī, Faḍl b. al-Ḥasan al-. Majmaʿ al-bayān fī tafsīr al-Qurʾān. Tehran: Intishārāt-i Nāṣir Khusraw, 1406 AH.
  • Ṭabarī, Aḥmad b. ʿAbd Allāh. Dhakhāʾir al-ʿuqbā fī manāqib dhawi al-qurbā. Beirut: Dār al-Maʿrifa, 1974.
  • Ṭabarī, Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-. Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī. Translated to Farsi by Abū l-Qāsim Pāyanda. 5th edition. Tehran: Asāṭīr, 1375 Sh.
  • Ṭūsī, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-. Al-Tibyān fī tafsīr al-Qurʾān. Edited by Aḥmad Qaṣīr al-ʿĀmilī. Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī, [n.d].
  • Ṭūsī, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-. Tahdhīb al-aḥkām. Edited by Sayyid Ḥasan al-Khirsān. Tehran: 1364 Sh.
  • Wāqidī, Muḥammad b. ʿUmar al-. Al-Maghāzī. Translated to Farsi by Maḥmūd Mahdawī Dāmghānī. 2nd edition. Tehran: Markaz-i Nashr-i Dānishgāhī, 1369 Sh.
  • Yaʿqūbī, Aḥmad b. Abī Yaʿqūb al-. Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī. Translated to Farsi by Muḥammad Ibrāhīm Āyatī. 6th edition. Tehran: Intishārāt-i ʿIlmī wa Farhangī, 1371 Sh.