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Al-Wathiq al-Abbasi

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Al-Wathiq al-Abbasi
9th Abbasid Caliph
Personal Information
Epithetal-Wathiq bi-llah
Birth196/811-12
Death232/847 (Samarra)
FatherAl-Mu'tasim
MotherQaratis
ChildrenMuhammad, Ali, 'Abd Allah, Ibrahim, Ahmad, and Muhammad
Burial PlaceSamarra
Rule
Contemporary withImam al-Hadi (a)
PredecessorAl-Mu'tasim
SuccessorAl-Mutawakkil


Hārūn b. Muḥammad al-Muʿtaṣim (Arabic: هارون بن محمد المعتصم), known as Al-Wāthiq bi-llāh (Arabic: الواثق بالله) or Al-Wāthiq al-ʿAbbāsī (Arabic: الواثق العباسي), was the ninth Abbasid Caliph. His caliphate accompany with the imamate of Imam al-Hadi (a). Unlike some Abbasid caliphs, al-Wathiq apply less pressure on Imam al-Hadi (a) and the Shi'a. During this period, Imam al-Hadi (a) employ the efforts of the previous Imams to take effective measures in promoting the school of Ahl al-Bayt (a) and supporting the Shi'a. It is reported that al-Wathiq treated the descendants of Abu Talib and the Shi'a well and improved their living conditions.

Al-Wathiq also paid attention to scientific, cultural, and literary matters and supported poets and scholars. He leaned towards the Mu'tazila and followed the policies of the Era of Mihna (Ordeal); in particular, he pressured the opponents of the theory of the Createdness of the Qur'an, which led to public complaint and the formation of collusion against him.

His other actions included conceal revolts, developing the city of Samarra, fighting economic corruption, and attempting to reduce poverty and begging in cities such as Mecca and Medina. The era of al-Wathiq's caliphate is recognized as a period of relative stability in the transition of power, but the growing influence of the Turks during his reign marked the end of the golden age of the Abbasids.

The Last Caliph of the First Abbasid Era

Harun b. Muhammad al-Mu'tasim, with the title "Al-Wathiq bi-llah",[1] was the ninth Abbasid caliph.[2] His teknonym (kuniya) is mentioned as "Abu Ja'far".[3] Most sources state that his Caliphate lasted about five years and nine months.[4]

Al-Wathiq is one of the six Abbasid caliphs whose reign coincided with the 33-year Imamate[5] of Imam al-Hadi (a).[6] The Imam was concurrent with this caliph from the age of 15 to 20[7] and resided in Medina until al-Wathiq's death. After al-Wathiq passed away, the Imam was caused to Samarra by the next caliph.[8]

Al-Wathiq is considered a distinguished Abbasid caliph,[9] and some sources have reported that he performed the Funeral Prayer for Imam al-Jawad (a).[10]

There is a difference of opinion regarding the year of al-Wathiq's birth. Some sources state it was Sha'ban 186/802,[11] some 190/805-6,[12] and others 196/811-12.[13] He was born to a Roman mother. His father Al-Mu'tasim was the eighth Abbasid caliph,[14] and his brother al-Mutawakkil was the tenth Abbasid caliph.[15]

According to historians such as Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, no significant events or major catches occurred during al-Wathiq's caliphate.[16] Different views regarding his age at the time of death have been mentioned, ranging from 32[17] to 38 years.[18]

Some historians have introduced al-Wathiq as the last Caliph of the First Abbasid Era,[19] which is known as the "Golden Age."[20] However, another group considers his father, al-Mu'tasim al-Abbasi, to be the last caliph of this period.[21]

The end of the Abbasid Golden Age is considered a natural result of the policies adopted by al-Mu'tasim, including assurance on Turks in government affairs and the transfer of military power and political influence from Arabs to Turks. These changes caused unrest, sedition, and chaos in the long term, eventually leading to the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate.[22]

Beginning of Caliphate and Relative Stability in Power Transition

Al-Wathiq al-Abbasi became caliph in 227/842 at the age of 31[23] in Samarra.[24] From his youth, he was known as a wise cautious, and political figure, and in the absence of his father, al-Mu'tasim al-Abbasi, he was responsible for important government affairs. Al-Mu'tasim had also appointed al-Wathiq as his complete prince during his lifetime.[25]

The beginning of al-Wathiq's caliphate is considered a turning point in Abbasid history; because given the succession challenges in previous periods, this transfer of power was a sign of relative stability in the Abbasid political structure.[26] During his reign, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Zayyat served as the vizier.[27]

Like his father, al-Wathiq trusted the Turks and replaced Arab commanders with them.[28] During his time, Turkish commanders attained high positions[29] and their influence reached such an extent that the administration of important cities like Medina also fell into their hands.[30]

Challenges and Actions

Despite the reduction of crises compared to previous caliphs, al-Wathiq al-Abbasi faced challenges such as the extensive influence of Turks in sultanate positions, the compound class gap, and the economic corruption of governors.[31] After coming to power, al-Wathiq suppressed defects in various regions including Medina[32] and Diyar Rabi'a,[33] and continued his conquests in 228/842-3 in regions such as Messina in Sicily.[34]

He resist economic corrupters in the Caliphate appliance [35] and distributed financial resources among the Hashimids, the tribe of Quraysh, and the general public to reduce scarcity in cities like Mecca and Medina.[36] Al-Wathiq also engaged in the development of Samarra[37] and dispatched groups of researchers to utilize the knowledge of other civilizations.[38]

Interest in Science and Scholars

Al-Wathiq al-Abbasi is considered a distinguished poet,[39] musician,[40] and capable litterateur.[41] Among the Abbasid caliphs, he was known as the most knowledgeable in music and literature.[42] Al-Wathiq paid special attention to cultural and scientific issues and supported scholars and litterateurs.[43] Scientific discussions and cultural dialogues were held in his palace.[44]

It is said that al-Wathiq imitated Al-Ma'mun in behavior and speech[45] and followed his conduct in seeking knowledge and participating in scientific debates.[46] Due to develomental and intellectual similarities with al-Ma'mun, some have nicknamed him "The Little Ma'mun" (al-Ma'mun al-Saghir).[47]

Death without Appointing a Successor

Al-Wathiq al-Abbasi passed away in Dhu l-Hijja 232/847 due to graft (istisqa')[48] and was buried in his famous palace named "Haruni"[49] in Samarra.[50] It is said that no traces of his grave or those of other Abbasid caliphs remain in Samarra (cite: Ḥasan, Tarikh-i siyasi-yi Islam, vol. 2, p. 317).

Despite the advice of those around him, al-Wathiq avoid from appointing a successor after himself.[51] After his death, his brother Al-Mutawakkil, who was in prison for disobedience,[52] succeeded to the caliphate.[53] Some sources reported that al-Wathiq was killed at the incentive of two Turkish commanders, and these same commanders appointed al-Mutawakkil to the caliphate.[54]

According to Shi'a sources, before the news of al-Wathiq's death reached Medina from Baghdad, Imam al-Hadi (a) informed his close companion, Khayran al-Asbati, of this event. The Imam also announced that al-Mutawakkil, al-Wathiq's brother who was in prison until the time of his death, had now succeeded to the caliphate.[55]

Relative Freedom of the Shi'a

During the reign of al-Wathiq and the two caliphs before him, the political and social conditions for the Shi'a were more favorable compared to the periods before and after. During this period, less pressure and repression were applied to the Shi'a,[56] and they enjoyed relative freedom of action.[57]

Its said that dealing with the Shi'a, al-Wathiq continued the policies of Al-Ma'mun[58] and his confluence with the Shi'a was such that some considered him to have Shi'a leanings.[59] However, some sources believe that no significant change occurred during his caliphate that had a notable impact on the fate of the Shi'a.[60] With the rise of al-Mutawakkil to power, the situation changed completely and conditions became extremely difficult for the Shi'a.[61]

Imam al-Hadi (a) in the Era of al-Wathiq

According to researchers, a review of historical sources shows that there is little information available about al-Wathiq al-Abbasi's behavior towards Imam al-Hadi (a).[62] However, evidence indicates that during the Caliphate of al-Wathiq and the caliphs before him, less pressure was placed on the Imam.[63] Imam al-Hadi (a) took advantage of this opportunity and, relying on the precise and calculated activities of the previous Imams in promoting the school of Ahl al-Bayt (a), was able to continue this path and achieve desirable results.[64]

Despite the relative comfort of Imam al-Hadi (a) during the era of al-Wathiq, this situation should not be represent as an absence of pressure; because al-Wathiq, like other Abbasid caliphs, viewed the Imam with conflict and feared his spiritual and social position.[65] It is also said that the contemporary caliphs of the Imam, including al-Wathiq, followed the policies of Al-Ma'mun and only relaxed their severity on the Alids when the interests of the caliphate required it.[66]

One of the possible reasons for the reduced pressure on Imam al-Hadi (a) is considered to be al-Wathiq's Mu'tazili inclination[67] as well as the Imam's special admonition and caution in communicating with the Shi'a through the Network of Wikala in various regions.[68]

In a report, it is stated that al-Wathiq invited Imam al-Hadi (a) to a scientific gathering with respect to answer a question that scholars were unable to answer. The Imam attended the gathering and provided the necessary answer.[69]

Connection between Shi'as and Imam al-Hadi in this Period

During the reign of al-Wathiq, groups from Shi'a-populated cities in Iraq, Iran, and Egypt traveled to Medina to benefit from the presence of Imam al-Hadi (a). Also, Shi'a pilgrims communicated with the Imam during their journey. However, during the time of Imam al-Hadi (a) and his son Imam al-Hasan al-Askari (a), the level of direct contact between the Imams and the Shi'a decreased.[70]

Al-Wathiq's Attention and Respect for Al Abu Talib

After al-Wathiq al-Abbasi reached the Caliphate, special attention was shown to the descendants of Abu Talib.[71] He held special respect for Imam Ali (a) and his family[72] and openly expressed his affection.[73] Al-Wathiq's behavior towards them was accompanied by charity and kindness,[74] to the extent that some sources have spoken of falsehood in this behavior.[75]

Al-Wathiq distributed much wealth among the family of Abu Talib[76] and returned Fadak to them.[77] According to historians, during his era, the living conditions of the family of Abu Talib improved, and none of them lived in poverty.[78]

According to Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani in the book Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, during the caliphate of al-Wathiq, none of the family of Abu Talib were killed.[79] He believes that al-Wathiq's charity towards the Alids caused a group of Alids and family of Abu Talib to gather in Samarra and live in relative comfort.[80]

Continuing the Era of Mihna

Al-Wathiq al-Abbasi leaned towards the Mu'tazili school and seriously conduct the theory of the Createdness of the Qur'an during the Era of Mihna (Ordeal).[81] He used public examination to apply pressure on the people[82] and ordered judges to accept only the attestation of those who adhered to the principles of Mu'tazila and Tawhid. This policy led to the costody of many scholars[83] and the prohibation of government opponents.[84]

There is disagreement regarding al-Wathiq's interaction with Ahmad b. Hanbal, the leader of the opposition to the Mihna;[85] some sources speak of non-interference with him,[86] others mention house arrest,[87] and a group believes that Ahmad b. Hanbal lived in hiding and avoid from offensive against the caliph.[88]

In the same period, Ahmad b. Nasr was arrested for opposing the theory of the createdness of the Qur'an and crooked against al-Wathiq, and al-Wathiq personally killed him.[89] Also, al-Wathiq made the release of Muslim prisoners from the hands of the Romans conditional on their belief in the createdness of the Qur'an,[90] but according to some historians, he retracted this belief before his death.[91]

It is said that after al-Wathiq, his brother al-Mutawakkil ended the Era of Mihna and issued an order to publish hadiths related to the vision of God and Divine attributes.[92]

Imam al-Hadi's Recommendation to Shi'as

During the caliphate of al-Wathiq, there was disagreement regarding the theory of the createdness of the Qur'an among Muslims, including the Shi'a. A group of Shi'as believed in the createdness of the Qur'an, and another group considered it uncreated. In these circumstances, Imam al-Hadi (a) sent letters to some Shi'a dignitaries to prevent Shi'as from getting involved in this perfidy (sedition)[93] and, by expressing his view, warned his friends and followers to refrain from entering this theological dispute.[94]

Notes

  1. ↑ Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, p. 228; Subkī, Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfiʿiyya, vol. 2, p. 53.
  2. ↑ Qummī, Nigāhī bar zindagī-yi chāhardah maʿṣūm (a), p. 428.
  3. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 123; Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 477; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 16.
  4. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 151; Ibn Qutayba, Al-Maʿārif, p. 393; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, vol. 4, p. 286; Maqdisī, Al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, vol. 6, p. 120.
  5. ↑ Jamʿī az niwīsandigān, Farhang-i Shīʿa, p. 122.
  6. ↑ Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 238.
  7. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  8. ↑ Jamʿī az niwīsandigān, Farhang-i Shīʿa, p. 122.
  9. ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, p. 327.
  10. ↑ Taqīzāda Dāwarī, Taṣwīr-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa dar Dāʾirat al-maʿārif-i Islām, p. 371.
  11. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 479; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 151.
  12. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 16; Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, p. 228.
  13. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, p. 400.
  14. ↑ Mustawfī Qazwīnī, Tārīkh-i guzīda, p. 316.
  15. ↑ Ibn al-Jawzī, Al-Muntaẓam, vol. 11, p. 178.
  16. ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, p. 327.
  17. ↑ Maqdisī, Al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, vol. 6, p. 120; Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Tārīkh mukhtaṣar al-duwal, p. 141.
  18. ↑ Ibn al-ʿUmrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, p. 113.
  19. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, vol. 2, p. 93.
  20. ↑ Jān-aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i farhang wa tamaddun-i Islāmī, p. 111.
  21. ↑ Āqānūrī, Khāstgāh-i Tashayyuʿ, p. 178.
  22. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, vol. 2, p. 93.
  23. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 477.
  24. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 477; Ibn Qutayba, Al-Maʿārif, p. 393.
  25. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 479; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 123.
  26. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  27. ↑ Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, vol. 3, pp. 477–478; Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, p. 327; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, vol. 2, p. 267.
  28. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, vol. 10, pp. 308–310; Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, pp. 228–230; Ṭaqqūsh, Dawlat-i ʿAbbāsiyān, p. 178.
  29. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, vol. 2, p. 487.
  30. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Āthār-i Islāmī-yi Makka wa Madīna, p. 192.
  31. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  32. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 480; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, pp. 129, 140; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, vol. 4, p. 284.
  33. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 483.
  34. ↑ Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Tārīkh mukhtaṣar al-duwal, p. 141.
  35. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 481.
  36. ↑ Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, vol. 2, p. 267; Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 483.
  37. ↑ Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, Muʿjam al-buldān, vol. 3, p. 198.
  38. ↑ Bī-āzār Shīrāzī, Bāstān-shināsī, p. 379.
  39. ↑ Ibn ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 150; Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, p. 327.
  40. ↑ Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Al-Aghānī, vol. 9, p. 189; Ibn al-ʿUmrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, p. 111.
  41. ↑ Ibn al-ʿUmrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, p. 111.
  42. ↑ Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, p. 402.
  43. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, vol. 2, p. 92.
  44. ↑ Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, vol. 2, p. 92.
  45. ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, p. 327.
  46. ↑ Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, p. 244.
  47. ↑ Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, p. 228; Ṭaqqūsh, Dawlat-i ʿAbbāsiyān, p. 178.
  48. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 150; Maqdisī, Al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, vol. 6, p. 120; Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Tārīkh mukhtaṣar al-duwal, p. 141.
  49. ↑ Ibn al-ʿUmrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, p. 113; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 20.
  50. ↑ Ibn al-Jawzī, Al-Muntaẓam, vol. 11, p. 188; Minhāj Sirāj, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, vol. 1, p. 115.
  51. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 483.
  52. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 156.
  53. ↑ Ibn ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 150.
  54. ↑ Muntaẓir al-Qāʾim, Tārīkh-i Imāmat, p. 244.
  55. ↑ Kulaynī, Al-Kāfī, vol. 1, p. 498; Khaṣībī, Al-Hidāya al-kubrā, p. 314; Mufīd, Al-Irshād, vol. 2, p. 301.
  56. ↑ Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Darāmadī bi Shīʿa-shināsī, p. 116; Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyuʿ, p. 128.
  57. ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyuʿ, p. 127.
  58. ↑ Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Darāmadī bi Shīʿa-shināsī, p. 115.
  59. ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyuʿ, p. 127.
  60. ↑ Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Darāmadī bi Shīʿa-shināsī, p. 115.
  61. ↑ Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-ṭālibiyyīn, p. 809; Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Darāmadī bi Shīʿa-shināsī, p. 116.
  62. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  63. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  64. ↑ "Guftārī az Dr. Rajabī Davānī, ʿilal-i maḥdūd būdan-i iṭṭilāʿāt-i tārīkhī darbāra-yi Imām Hādī (a)". Khamenei.ir.
  65. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", p. 48.
  66. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  67. ↑ "Guftārī az Dr. Rajabī Davānī, ʿilal-i maḥdūd būdan-i iṭṭilāʿāt-i tārīkhī darbāra-yi Imām Hādī (a)". Khamenei.ir.
  68. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  69. ↑ Qummī, Muntahā al-āmāl, vol. 3, p. 1840.
  70. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  71. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 19; Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, p. 229.
  72. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, vol. 1, p. 29.
  73. ↑ Muḥarramī, Tārīkh-i Tashayyuʿ, p. 127.
  74. ↑ Ibn Ṭaqṭaqī, Tārīkh-i Fakhrī, p. 327; Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, vol. 3, p. 295.
  75. ↑ Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-i ḥabīb al-siyar, vol. 2, p. 267.
  76. ↑ Amīn, Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, vol. 1, p. 29; Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Darāmadī bi Shīʿa-shināsī, p. 115.
  77. ↑ Ṣanʿānī, Nasmat al-saḥar, vol. 3, p. 295.
  78. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 19; Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, p. 229.
  79. ↑ Abu l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-ṭālibiyyīn, p. 809.
  80. ↑ Sāmānī, "Barrasī-yi taṭbīqī-yi raftār-i khulafā-yi ʿAbbāsī bā Imām Hādī (a)", pp. 51–52.
  81. ↑ Ibn ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 152; Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Darāmadī bi Shīʿa-shināsī, p. 115.
  82. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 482.
  83. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 482.
  84. ↑ Jamʿī az niwīsandigān, Aʿlām al-hidāya, vol. 12, pp. 86–88.
  85. ↑ Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, vol. 10, p. 335.
  86. ↑ Ziriklī, Al-Aʿlām, vol. 1, p. 203; Subḥānī, Mawsūʿat ṭabaqāt al-fuqahāʾ, vol. 3, p. 89.
  87. ↑ Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān, vol. 1, p. 64.
  88. ↑ Shahrastānī, Wuḍūʾ al-Nabī (s), vol. 1, p. 408.
  89. ↑ See e.g.: Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam, vol. 9, p. 135; Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, vol. 10, pp. 303, 309.
  90. ↑ Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 482; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, p. 400.
  91. ↑ Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 18; Kutbī, Fawāt al-wafayāt, vol. 4, p. 229.
  92. ↑ Ibn ʿImād al-Ḥanbalī, Shadharāt al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 150; Abū Makhrama, Qilādat al-naḥr, vol. 2, p. 481.
  93. ↑ Jamʿī az niwīsandigān, Aʿlām al-hidāya, vol. 12, p. 88, quoting al-Shaykh al-Saduq.
  94. ↑ Jamʿī az niwīsandigān, Aʿlām al-hidāya, vol. 12, p. 88, quoting al-Kulayni.

References

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