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Muhammad b. Harun

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Muhammad b. Harun
6th Abbasid Caliph
Personal Information
Epithetal-Amin
Birth170/786-7, Baghdad
Death198/813-4, Baghdad
FatherHarun al-Rashid
MotherZubayda
ChildrenMusa ● 'Abd Allah
ReligionIslam
Burial PlaceBaghdad
Rule
DynastyAbbasids
Reign193/809- 198/813
Contemporary withImam al-Rida (a)
PredecessorHarun al-Rashid
Successoral-Ma'mun


Muḥammad b. Hārūn (Arabic: محمد بن هارون) (b. 170/786-7 – d. 198/813-4), known as al-Amīn (الأمين), was the sixth Abbasid caliph and the son of Harun al-Rashid. He assumed the caliphate in 193/809 and ruled for approximately five years. His reign, which coincided with the imamate of Imam al-Rida (a), was characterized by gratification carelessness of state affairs, and severe conflict with his brother, al-Ma'mun.

These conflicts, rooted in Harun al-Rashid's will and the division of power between the two brothers, led to common insurrection and unrest, ultimately resulting in a civil war. This struggle ended in 198/813 with the killing of al-Amin and the association of al-Ma'mun's power. The conflict between al-Amin and al-Ma'mun is considered a manifestation of the power struggle between Arabs and Persians during the Abbasid caliphate, which eventually concluded in favor of the Persians.

Al-Amin's preoccupation with political unrest meant that, unlike previous caliphs, there was no direct absorption with Imam al-Rida (a) and the Shi'a. This situation provided a suitable opportunity for the Imam (a) to carry out extensive activities in propagating and compilation Shi'i thought. During this period, Imam al-Rida (a) reconstructed the deputyship network, expanded the open promotion of Shi'a', and strengthened his social base.

The Sixth Abbasid Caliph

Muhammad b. Harun, titled al-Amin, is the sixth Abbasid caliph.[1] His Teknonym (kuniya) is reported as Abu 'Abd Allah[2] and Abu Musa.[3] He was born in 170/786-7[4] or 171/787-8[5] in the Rusafa district of Baghdad. His caliphate lasted about four years and eight months,[6] coinciding entirely with the imamate of Imam al-Rida (a).[7] Fadl b. Rabi' was responsible for the full administration of government affairs.[8] According to the author of Tarikh mukhtasar al-duwal, no sign of wisdom, personal justice, or noteworthy experience was observed in this caliph's conduct.[9] He died at the age of 27.[10]

Relatives

Al-Amin was the son of Harun al-Rashid, the Abbasid caliph,[11] and his mother was Umm Ja'far Zubayda, from the Abbasid lineage and a granddaughter of al-Mansur.[12] It is said that in the history of the Islamic Caliphate, only two caliphs assumed power who were born to Hashimi parents on both sides: 'Ali b. Abi Talib (a) and Muhammad al-Amin.[13] He had brothers, the most famous of whom was al-Ma'mun, who succeeded him.[14]

Al-Amin had two sons named Musa and 'Abd Allah.[15] Musa, known as "al-Natiq bi-l-Haqq", was appointed as crown prince but died at the age of fourteen without leaving any offspring. 'Abd Allah, al-Amin's other son, was a poet and lived a long life. He was the only one to continue al-Amin's lineage and lived to experience the era of al-Mu'tamid.[16]

Personality Traits

Al-Amin was known for specific physical features, generosity,[17] and an interest in poetry and literature.[18] During his reign, he distanced himself from his brothers and family, showing indifference towards them and his commanders.[19] He relied on others for important matters and trusted individuals who were not his well-wishers.[20]

According to reports, he is considered one of the Abbasid caliphs who paid excessive attention to luxury and beautify, inviting artists from various parts of the Muslim lands to his court.[21] Some historical sources have criticized al-Amin for immature decisions, foolish behavior,[22] excessive kindness in celebration,[23] heavy spending in this regard, and carelessness of prayer.[24] Al-Amin tried to hide from the public eye, and his presence among the people was very limited and rare.[25]

Crown Prince of Harun al-Rashid

Harun al-Rashid appointed al-Amin as the first crown prince and al-Ma'mun as the second.[26] Despite Harun's preference for al-Ma'mun's succession,[27] this decision was made due to the influence of al-Amin's mother and the support of Abbasid elites.[28] Al-Amin was no more than five years old when his father designated him as his successor.[29]

After performing the Hajj rituals in Mecca, Harun divided the government among his three sons.[30] Al-Amin was given responsibility for administering the regions of Iraq and Syria (Sham), while the administration of other parts of the Abbasid territory was entrusted to his brothers, al-Ma'mun and al-Mu'taman.[31] Harun prepared documents regarding the obligations of Muhammad al-Amin and al-Ma'mun[32] and hung them in the Ka'ba.[33] However, the document falling from its place led people to predict the instability of the agreement.[34] Harun sent letters about this matter to the governors of the cities so they would be informed of the details of this agreement.[35]

From Caliphate to Fall

Muhammad al-Amin assumed the caliphate in 193/809 following the death of Harun al-Rashid and ruled over the Islamic realm until 198/813.[36] At the beginning of his caliphate, all Islamic regions pledged allegiance to him without opposition.[37] al-Ma'mun also announced his constancy to al-Amin in Khurasan and declared his loyalty and adherence to his orders in a letter.[38] However, after some time, intense rivalry and conflict arose between the two brothers, eventually leading to a civil war.[39]

This situation caused unrest in Islamic lands, resulting in division and weakness among Muslims.[40] It also brought about significant damage, and Baghdad, known as the capital of the caliphate and a center of science, literature, and trade, suffered extensive destruction.[41] During this period, the ground was prepared for rebellions and uprisings in various Islamic regions.[42]

Conflict with al-Ma'mun

Initially, Muhammad al-Amin suggested to al-Ma'mun that he withdraw from the governorship of Rayy and some regions of Khurasan that had been assigned to him during their father's lifetime, but al-Ma'mun refused.[43] In a letter, Muhammad summoned al-Ma'mun[44] and the commanders of Khurasan[45] to appear before him, but they did not obey this order.

Contrary to the oath and covenant his father had taken from them for the division of power and placed in the Ka'ba, and upon the instigation of Fadl b. Rabi' and 'Ali b. 'Isa (one of Harun's governors), al-Amin deposed al-Ma'mun and replaced him with his own son Musa[46] in 194/809-10. This action caused acrimony between the two brothers.[47] Al-Amin also dismissed his brother al-Mu'taman from all responsibilities given to him during Harun's time.[48] Al-Ma'mun cut ties with al-Amin, removed his name from the sermons (Khutba),[49] and declared himself Amir al-Mu'minin.[50]

Finally, after battles between the two brothers that lasted about three years,[51] al-Ma'mun, with the support of Iranians and the action of prominent commanders such as Tahir b. Husayn and Harthama b. A'yan, was able to defeat al-Amin.[52] These conflicts ended with the conquest of Baghdad and the killing of al-Amin in 198/813.[53] [54] A narration mentions that Imam al-Rida (a) had predicted al-Amin's killing at the hands of al-Ma'mun.[55]

Cause of Conflict with al-Ma'mun

The roots of the dispute between al-Amin and al-Ma'mun go back to their father's will regarding the division of power between them, as well as the affront of Abbasid elders and government officials.[56] Furthermore, the power struggle between Arabs and Persians within the Abbasid caliphate structure is also considered an influential factor in this conflict.[57]

Al-Amin relied on Arab elements and the Abbasid family,[58] and his vizier, Fadl b. Rabi', strove to preserve Arab power.[59] In contrast, al-Ma'mun, who was in Khurasan, enjoyed the support of Khurasanis who loved the Ahl al-Bayt (a), and al-Ma'mun showed an apparent incline towards Shi'a to gain their satisfaction.[60] Fadl b. Sahl, al-Ma'mun's vizier, represented Persian tendencies and used the differences to incite al-Ma'mun against al-Amin.[61]

Imam al-Rida (a) and Shi'as in the Era of Amin Abbasi

According to Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani, during al-Amin's reign, unlike previous caliphs, no action was taken against the family of Abu Talib. Al-Amin's preoccupation with entertainment, personal hedonism, and subsequently the conflict with al-Ma'mun meant he paid no attention to issues related to this family, and his reign ended without any specific battle or action against the Al Abi Talib.[62]

It is said that this situation provided a suitable opportunity for Imam al-Rida (a) to engage in extensive activities promoting and cement Shi'i thought with greater peace of mind.[63] During this period, Imam al-Rida (a) reconstructed the deputyship network, expanded the open propagation of Tashayyu',[64] and strengthened popular bases and social connections.[65] He was also able to express important teachings regarding Imamate and explain issues related to it openly and without Taqiyya.[66]

According to some researchers, the political and social conflicts of al-Amin's era, especially his feud with al-Ma'mun, created conditions where Shi'i movements and supporters of the Ahl al-Bayt (a) in eastern regions faced less pressure.[67] It is said that al-Ma'mun adopted a policy of tolerance toward these movements to counter al-Amin and weaken his rule, even utilizing moderate lovers of the Ahl al-Bayt (a) in Iran to oppose al-Amin. This policy indirectly benefited Imam al-Rida (a) and provided a suitable atmosphere for his activities.[68]

Notes

  1. Āyīna-wand, Adabiyyāt-i siyāsī-yi tashayyuʿ, 1387 Sh, p. 291.
  2. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 241.
  3. Masʿūdī, Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf, p. 300; Ibn al-Jawzī, Al-Muntaẓam, 1412 AH, vol. 9, p. 218.
  4. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 241.
  5. Ibn al-Jawzī, Al-Muntaẓam, 1412 AH, vol. 9, p. 218.
  6. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 442; Dīnawarī, Al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 1368 Sh, p. 400.
  7. Collectif, Farhang-i Shīʿa, 1386 Sh, p. 117.
  8. Ibn Aʿtham, Al-Futūḥ, 1411 AH, vol. 8, p. 403.
  9. Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Tārīkh mukhtaṣar al-duwal, 1992, p. 134.
  10. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 442; Dīnawarī, Al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 1368 Sh, p. 400.
  11. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 241.
  12. Ibn al-ʿImrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 89.
  13. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 433; Ibn al-ʿImrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 89.
  14. Dīnawarī, Al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 1368 Sh, p. 400.
  15. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 442; Ibn Ḥazm, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, 1403 AH, p. 24.
  16. Ibn Ḥazm, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, 1403 AH, p. 24.
  17. Masʿūdī, Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf, p. 302.
  18. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 241; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 351.
  19. Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 356; Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Tārīkh mukhtaṣar al-duwal, 1992, p. 134.
  20. Masʿūdī, Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf, p. 302.
  21. Jān-Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i farhang wa tamaddun-i Islāmī, 1386 Sh, p. 197.
  22. Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 351; Ibn al-ʿImrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 89.
  23. Masʿūdī, Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf, p. 302.
  24. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, pp. 241-242, quoting others.
  25. Ibn Aʿtham, Al-Futūḥ, 1411 AH, vol. 8, p. 403.
  26. Ṭabarī, Tarikh al-umam wa l-muluk, 1387/2008 vol. 8, p. 269; Ibn Qutayba, Al-Imāma wa l-siyāsa, 1410 AH, vol. 2, p. 232.
  27. Ibn Qutayba, Al-Imāma wa l-siyāsa, 1410 AH, vol. 2, p. 232.
  28. Ibn Taghrī Birdī, Al-Nujūm al-zāhira, vol. 2, p. 81.
  29. Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 3, p. 506.
  30. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 275; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 279.
  31. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 275; Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 187; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 279.
  32. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, pp. 275-281; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 3, p. 528.
  33. Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 3, p. 528.
  34. Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 3, p. 528.
  35. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 283; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 3, p. 528.
  36. Ibn Ḥabīb, Al-Muḥabbar, p. 39; Dīnawarī, Al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 1368 Sh, pp. 392-400; Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 241.
  37. Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 76.
  38. Masʿūdī, Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf, p. 300.
  39. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 374; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 4, p. 31.
  40. Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 353; Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 77.
  41. Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 353; Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 77.
  42. For further information, see: Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 415; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 294.
  43. Ibn al-ʿImrānī, Al-Inbāʾ, 1421 AH, p. 89.
  44. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 436; Masʿūdī, Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf, p. 300.
  45. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 436.
  46. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, pp. 374-375; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 4, p. 31.
  47. Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 436.
  48. Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 4, p. 31.
  49. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 375; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 291.
  50. Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, 1408 AH, vol. 3, p. 294; Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1417 AH, p. 352.
  51. Rafīʿī, Zindagī-yi Aʾimma (a), p. 225.
  52. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, pp. 373-495.
  53. For further information, see: Ibn Qutayba, Al-Maʿārif, 1992, p. 386; Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, pp. 336-442; Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, pp. 373-495; Ibn Aʿtham, Al-Futūḥ, 1411 AH, vol. 8, pp. 406-416; Dīnawarī, Al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 1368 Sh, p. 400; Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 10, p. 240.
  54. The morning after the murder, his head was displayed on the new gate of Baghdad and then sent to Khurasan. His body was buried in the Munisa garden in Baghdad. (Ibn Qutayba, Al-Maʿārif, 1992, p. 386.)
  55. Shaykh Ṣadūq, ʿUyūn akhbār al-Riḍā (a), 1378 AH, vol. 2, p. 209; Ṭabarsī, Iʿlām al-warā, 1390 AH, p. 323.
  56. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 8, p. 374; Ibn Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, 1379 Sh, vol. 4, p. 31.
  57. Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 166.
  58. Jaʿfariyān, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ dar Īrān, 1387 Sh, p. 217.
  59. Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 166.
  60. Ḥusaynī Shāhrūdī, Tārīkh-i zindagānī-yi Imām Jawād (a), p. 143.
  61. Ḥasan, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi Islām, 1376 Sh, vol. 2, p. 166.
  62. Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, p. 420.
  63. Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1389 Sh, p. 218.
  64. Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1389 Sh, p. 218.
  65. Rafīʿī, Zindagī-yi Aʾimma (a), p. 225.
  66. Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa (a), p. 459.
  67. Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1389 Sh, p. 218.
  68. Aḥmadī, Tārīkh-i Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1389 Sh, p. 218.

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