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Usurpation of the caliphate (Arabic: غَصْب الخِلافَة) is one of the most important beliefs of the Shias and means that the caliphate and rulership over the society is the right of Imam Ali (a) and the infallible Imams (a), but others have unjustly seized it. This belief has been expressed in the literature of the Ahl al-Bayt (a), including in the Al-Shiqshiqiyya Sermon, the Fadakiyya Sermon, Imam al-Husayn's (a) letter to the people of Basra, and some other hadiths. Shias believe that the Prophet (s), in the final days of his life, prepared the ground for the succession of Ali (a) by announcing Ali's (a) wilaya in Ghadir, repeating the Hadith al-Thaqalayn, and sending some companions with Usama's army outside of Medina. Shias consider the usurpation of the caliphate as the precursor to subsequent deviations in the Islamic society and the martyrdom of Fatima (a), the daughter of the Prophet (s), and the Event of Karbala.

According to the analysis of Shia scholars, the process of the usurpation of the caliphate by a number of the companions began before the demise of the Prophet (s). Shias seek signs of this analysis in the disobedience to participate in Usama's army, the prevention of the writing of the Prophet's (s) will, the initial denial of the Prophet's (s) demise, and the event of the Accursed Scroll. The event of the Saqifa of Banu Sa'ida, the refusal of some companions to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr, the attack on the house of Ali (a) and Fatima (a) by the agents of Abu Bakr, and the positions of Imam Ali (a) in the six-member council of the caliphate are among the other reasons of Shias for believing in the usurpation of the caliphate.

The usurpation of the caliphate, except for a short period during the Reign of Imam Ali (a) and Imam al-Hasan al-Mujtaba (a), continued throughout the entire period of the Imams' (a) presence, and the Umayyad caliphs and the Abbasids each took the caliphate from the Ahl al-Bayt (a) in their own way.

The belief in the usurpation of the caliphate has also influenced the political thought of Shia jurists, and they consider any ruler other than the Ahl al-Bayt (a) or someone appointed by the Ahl al-Bayt (a) to be illegitimate and an unjust ruler, and they also forbid cooperation with such a ruler or consider it permissible only under certain conditions.

Position of the Issue of Usurpation of the Caliphate

The usurpation of the caliphate is one of the pillars of the beliefs of Shias,[1] especially Twelver Shias.[2] Shias believe that the Prophet (s) had appointed Ali b. Abi Talib (a) as his successor on behalf of God,[3] and they do not recognize the right of divine caliphate for anyone except Ali (a) and some of his descendants.[4] The terminological "Shi'a" is defined based on this very characteristic.[5] However, Sunnis say that the Prophet (s) had not appointed anyone, and the companions consulted with each other on their own initiative and appointed Abu Bakr to the caliphate.[6] Although Murtada 'Askari, a researcher in Imamate topics, believes that the caliphate, like prophethood, is a divine position and no one can usurp it, and instead of the usurpation of the caliphate, the expression "usurpation of government" should be used.[7]

In the belief of Imamiyya, except for a limited period regarding Imam Ali (a) and Imam al-Hasan (a), the caliphate was usurped, and there was never any acceptance regarding the legitimacy of the government of the caliphs of that period.[8] In the conversation between Muslim b. 'Aqil and Ibn Ziyad, Muslim also explicitly stated that Mu'awiya had usurped the caliphate from the Prophet's (s) executor by deceit.[9] It has also been reported from Imam Ja'far b. Muhammad al-Sadiq (a), the sixth Imam of the Shias, that he considered the caliphate as his right which others had usurped.[10] In the belief of Shias, the usurpation of the caliphate is considered a deviation from the path of the Prophet (s) and the precursor to subsequent events, including the martyrdom of Lady Fatima (a),[11] as well as the Event of Karbala.[12]

Various sources have mentioned the names of a number of the Prophet's (s) companions who initially did not pledge allegiance to Caliph Abu Bakr and believed that Ali (a) should be the caliph.[13] Ja'fari, a Pakistani Shi'a researcher, has compiled the names of 13 famous companions that have been recorded in most historical sources.[14] As reported based on a narration from al-Zuhri, a Sunni hadith scholar, Fatima (a), the daughter of the Prophet (s), also did not accept Abu Bakr's caliphate.[15] The belief in the usurpation of the caliphate has also been reported as one of the beliefs of Zayd b. Ali, the leader of the Zaydi movement in the second century AH/eighth century.[16]

Rashid Rida (d. 1354/1935-36), a Sunni exegete, also explicitly states in Tafsir al-Manar that the Ahl al-Bayt (a) considered themselves more deserving for the caliphate and only accompanied the ruling leaders to preserve the interests of the Muslims.[17] Although most Sunni scholars do not share such an analysis.[18] Mahmoud Ismail, an Egyptian historical researcher, in the book Al-Harakat al-sirriyya fi l-Islam, introduces the Mu'tazila as enemies of the Umayyads because they considered them tyrants who usurped the caliphate, imposed their government on the people by the force of the sword, and presented their rule as stemming from divine will and decree.[19]

Usurpation of the Caliphate in Shia Literature

Many Shia historians have paid attention to the usurpation of the caliphate in their books and have reported, examined, and analyzed it.[20] One of the oldest Shi'a texts that refer to the event of the usurpation of the caliphate is considered to be the Al-Shiqshiqiyya Sermon,[21] in which Ali b. Abi Talib (a) reprimanded all three first caliphs, introduced himself as more deserving, and explicitly stated that they plundered his inheritance. Prior to that, Lady Fatima (a), in her speech in the Prophet's Mosque known as the Fadakiyya Sermon, had referred to the event of the usurpation of the caliphate.[22] In the letter of Imam al-Husayn (a) to the people of Basra, the issue of the usurpation of the caliphate has also been mentioned.[23]

A group of Shias also cite Kitab Sulaym b. Qays, which they consider to be an old text belonging to the first century AH/seventh century.[24] In this book, numerous reports about the event of the Saqifa and the fate of the caliphate have been gathered,[25] which are considered among the oldest events related to the usurpation of the caliphate.[26] 'Allama al-Majlisi, a hadith scholar of the eleventh century AH, arranged a section of the book Bihar al-anwar under the name of Kitab al-Fitan and placed the usurpation of the caliphate and related events in it.[27]

Some Shias attribute the planning of the usurpation of the caliphate to before the time of the demise of the Prophet (s)[28] and cite narrations that refer to the pact of a group of the companions to usurp the caliphate. Just as 'Allama al-Majlisi has also opened a chapter in volume 28 of Bihar al-anwar entitled "Chapter on the Preparation for the Usurpation of the Caliphate and the Accursed Scroll" and gathered 7 lengthy hadiths about the ground-laying for the usurpation of the caliphate and the Accursed Scroll in it.[29] In this regard, even a statement from al-Ma'mun al-'Abbasi has been quoted.[30] Non-Muslim researchers like Lammens and after him Madelung have also pointed out this issue.[31] Caetani, an Italian orientalist, has endorsed Lammens' theory and believes that 'Umar could predict the demise of the Prophet (s) and plan for the succession.[32] In Madelung's view, the main planner of the usurpation of the caliphate was 'Umar, but due to the position of Abu Bakr, he pushed him forward for the caliphate.[33]

The Prophet (s) and Preparing the Ground for Ali's (a) Caliphate

According to the belief of Shias, the Prophet (s), in the final days of his life, made a great effort to prepare the ground for the caliphate and rulership of Ali b. Abi Talib (a).[34] Due to the immense importance of the issue of the Prophet's (s) succession,[35] the events of the period of the demise of the Prophet of Islam (s) have been described as the most sensitive events and filled with a policy of concealment and complexities,[36] which manifest themselves in the behavior of the Prophet of Islam (s) on the one hand, and in the behavior of some companions on the other.[37]

According to reports in historical sources, the Prophet (s) knew that the time of his death was approaching, and in his last hajj journey as well as after returning to Medina, he had announced the approaching time of his death several times.[38] On the other hand, according to some Shia sources, he had become aware of the pact of a group of the companions to prevent the caliphate of Ali (a)[39] and had even alluded to it in the Sermon of Ghadir Khumm.[40]

Preparation of Usama's Army

The preparation of Usama's army has been considered among the important events of the final days of the Prophet's (s) life. According to sources, the Prophet (s), after returning from Hajjat al-Wada' to Medina, ordered an army under the command of Usama b. Zayd to be prepared for war with the Roman Empire,[41] and he also tasked the prominent figures of the Ansar and Muhajirun to be present in this army.[42] According to Al-Shaykh al-Mufid, dispatching this army in the last days of the Prophet's (s) life could have had other objectives as well, such as emptying Medina of the companions who coveted the caliphate.[43] However, some people arose in opposition and protest under the pretext of Usama's young age.[44][45] Al-Shaykh al-Mufid has narrated the disobedience of some, such as Abu Bakr b. Abi Quhafa and 'Umar b. al-Khattab, and their reprimand by the Prophet (s).[46] Despite the Prophet's (s) emphasis, this army did not depart toward Sham until after his demise.[47]

Attempt to Write a Will

According to the narration of Sahih al-Bukhari, one of the most important books of the Sunnis, in the final days of the Messenger of God's (s) life, while a group of the companions had gone to visit him, he said: "Bring me a pen and paper so that I may write something for you by the blessing of which you will never go astray." One of the attendees said: "The illness has overcome the Prophet (s) and he is speaking deliriously; we have the Qur'an, and that is sufficient for us."[48] Commotion and disagreement arose among the attendees; some were saying: "Bring it so that he may write," and some were saying otherwise. The Messenger of God (s) said: "Get up and leave my presence."[49] In Sahih Muslim, another Sunni hadith source, the individual who opposed the Prophet's (s) statement has been introduced as 'Umar b. al-Khattab.[50] In these two books, it is stated that Ibn 'Abbas would constantly lament this incident and consider it a great calamity.[51]

Recounting Hadith al-Thaqalayn

Al-Shaykh al-Mufid has narrated in the book Al-Amali that the Prophet (s), during the days of his illness, brought himself to the Prophet's Mosque with great difficulty, and in the last sermon before his demise, he repeated the Hadith al-Thaqalayn: "Indeed, I am leaving among you two weighty things... One is the Qur'an and the other is my Ahl al-Bayt (a)."[52] Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, a Sunni scholar, has also narrated this hadith in a different form.[53] Hadith al-Thaqalayn has been narrated from the Prophet (s) on numerous occasions.[54] Sayyid 'Abd al-Husayn Sharaf al-Din has named five places for the delivery of this hadith: the Day of 'Arafa, Ghadir Khumm, upon returning from Ta'if, in Medina on the pulpit, and in the Prophet's (s) room during his illness.[55]

Appointing an Executor

One of the Prophet's (s) actions in the days of illness at the end of his life was to appoint an executor for himself. According to the narration of the book Al-Irshad, after the incident of the pen and paper, when the companions left the Prophet's (s) house, the Prophet (s) said to Ali (a): "O brother! Will you accept my will, fulfill my promises, and pay off my debts?" Ali (a) accepted. The Prophet (s) embraced him and gave him his ring, sword, and armor.[56] The next day, the Prophet (s) also said: "Bring my brother and companion to me." Aisha and Hafsa called their own fathers, but the Prophet (s) repeated his request again until, upon the suggestion of Umm Salama, they informed Ali (a). The Prophet (s) whispered with Ali (a) for a while, and when they asked Ali (a): "What did the Prophet (s) say?", he replied in response: "He taught me a thousand gates of knowledge, from each of which a thousand other gates opened, and he bequeathed things to me that I will perform."[57] Al-Dhahabi and Ibn Kathir, Sunni historians, have also narrated this report with some differences.[58]

Interrupting Abu Bakr's Congregational Prayer

On one of the days of the Prophet's (s) illness, due to the severity of the illness, he did not attend the congregational prayer, and Abu Bakr began to lead the congregation. The Prophet (s), after becoming aware of this event, came out of his room himself and led the prayer. Rasul Ja'fariyan has described this prayer as being without the permission of the Prophet (s).[59] Some Sunni sources, based on narrations, have considered this prayer to be upon the recommendation of the Messenger of God (s),[60] and a group of them have deemed this prayer as a sign of the Prophet's (s) satisfaction with Abu Bakr's succession.[61] However, Shias have considered the Prophet's (s) intervention and prevention of this prayer as a clear sign of the Prophet's (s) dissatisfaction with this action.

In these same days, there is another report that 'Umar b. al-Khattab also led the congregational prayer instead of the Prophet (s).[62] And according to Madelung's analysis, since leading the congregational prayer from the Prophet's (s) perspective was not a reason for the caliphate,[63] he did not prevent anyone's leading of the congregation, but 'A'isha, because she thought that establishing the congregation instead of the Prophet (s) could be a sign of the subsequent caliphate, fabricated a hadith saying that the Prophet (s) was not satisfied with 'Umar praying.[64]

Process of the Usurpation of the Caliphate

Some Shias attribute the planning of the usurpation of the caliphate to before the time of the demise of the Prophet (s).[65] According to the analysis of Shia authors, this plan was brought to a conclusion with the pact of a group of the companions before and after Ghadir, the disobedience to participate in Usama's army, the prevention of writing the Prophet's (s) will, the initial denial of the Prophet's (s) demise, the convening of the Saqifa and the allegiance to Abu Bakr,[66] the suppression of opponents, the attack on the house of Ali (a) and Fatima (a), and the seizure of Fadak.[67]

Non-Muslim researchers like Lammens and after him Madelung have also pointed to this planning.[68] Caetani, an Italian orientalist, has endorsed Lammens' theory regarding the triangle of power (Abu Bakr, 'Umar, Abu 'Ubayda) and believes that 'Umar could predict the demise of the Prophet (s) and plan for the succession.[69] In Madelung's view, the main planner of the usurpation of the caliphate was 'Umar, but due to the position of Abu Bakr, he pushed him forward for the caliphate.[70] 'Abd al-Maqsud, an Egyptian historical researcher, also believes that with a precise study of history, signs of this planning can be found.[71]

Accursed Scroll

The Accursed Scroll or the pact of a number of the companions during the lifetime of the Messenger of God (s) with the aim of determining the fate of the Prophet's (s) succession is among the events that have been reported in some Shia sources like Kitab Sulaym b. Qays,[72] Safinat al-bihar,[73] and Irshad al-qulub.[74] Just as 'Allama al-Majlisi has also opened a chapter in volume 28 of Bihar al-anwar entitled "Chapter on the Preparation for the Usurpation of the Caliphate and the Accursed Scroll" and gathered 7 lengthy hadiths about the ground-laying for the usurpation of the caliphate and the Accursed Scroll in it.[75] In this regard, even a statement from al-Ma'mun al-'Abbasi has been quoted.[76]

According to some researchers, this pact occurred once before the Event of Ghadir in Mecca[77] and once after it in Medina.[78] The members of this scroll made a covenant with each other beside the Kaaba not to let the caliphate reach his family after the Prophet (s) and to take over the caliphate themselves.[79] Abu Bakr, 'Umar, Mu'adh b. Jabal, and Salim Mawla Abi Hudhayfa,[80] as well as al-Mughira b. Shu'ba and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf[81] have been counted among the members of the Accursed Scroll. In Medina as well, a group of 34 people[82] gathered in Abu Bakr's house[83] and, as stated in some sources, pledged on the caliphate of Abu Bakr, 'Umar, Abu 'Ubayda, and Salim Mawla Abi Hudhayfa after the Messenger of God (s).[84]

Denial of the Demise of the Prophet (s)

The denial of the Prophet's (s) demise by 'Umar b. al-Khattab is the first significant event evaluated after the demise of the Prophet of Islam (s). According to reports in historical sources, in the very first moments of the announcement of the news of the Prophet's (s) demise, 'Umar b. al-Khattab swore that the Prophet (s) had not died and had gone to his Lord, and just as Moses (a) returned from Mount Sinai, the Prophet (s) would also return.[85] 'Umar even threatened those who opposed his words with death.[86] According to Ibn Kathir, in response to 'Umar, Ibn Umm Maktum recited Qur'an 3:144 in which the death of the Prophet (s) is explicitly stated. 'Abbas, the Prophet's (s) uncle, also asked 'Umar, "Have you heard anything from the Prophet (s) in this regard?" He replied: "No." 'Abbas said, "By God, the Prophet (s) has passed away."[87] Nevertheless, 'Umar persisted in his opinion until Abu Bakr—who was outside of Medina—arrived, called 'Umar to silence, and recited the same verse from Sura Al 'Imran. 'Umar fell silent and said: "It is as if I had never heard this verse until now!"[88]

Among Sunni writers, 'Abd al-Fattah 'Abd al-Maqsud (d. 1993) has attempted in a lengthy analysis to consider the original event as fabricated.[89] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, a Mu'tazili Sunni theologian, has deemed 'Umar's words as an expedient lie and for the purpose of preventing conflict over the succession and the occurrence of fitna.[90] Along these same lines, Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, a Shia thinker, has analyzed this action of 'Umar as a pre-designed plot to bring Abu Bakr to power;[91] because even though others recited the verse from Sura Al 'Imran for 'Umar, he did not fall silent, and only calmed down and expressed ignorance of the verse upon Abu Bakr's arrival and his recitation of that verse.[92] As al-Amini, the author of Al-Ghadir,[93] al-Muzaffar in the book Al-Saqifa,[94] Ja'fariyan in Tarikh-i khulafa,[95] al-Ta'i in Al-Saqifa inqilab abyad,[96] and some other Shia authors have analyzed it in the same manner.[97] Madelung, a German Islamic studies scholar, also believes that if the triangle of power (Abu Bakr, 'Umar, and Abu 'Ubayda) had planned for the caliphate in advance, this movement of 'Umar can be analyzed in line with that very plot.[98]

Meeting of Saqifa and Allegiance to Abu Bakr

The gathering of a number of the companions in the Saqifa of Banu Sa'ida immediately after the announcement of the Prophet's (s) demise has been evaluated as the most important movement in the event of the usurpation of the caliphate.[99] While Ali b. Abi Talib (a) and the Banu Hashim were occupied with the rituals of washing and burying the Prophet (s),[100] some of the Ansar and three individuals from the Muhajirun (Abu Bakr, 'Umar, and Abu 'Ubayda) gathered in a place called the Saqifa of Banu Sa'ida and argued over determining the caliph, and ultimately pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr as the successor of the Prophet (s).[101] After that, they began taking forced allegiance from the people of Medina.[102]

Conflict in Medina and the Attack on Ali's (a) House

According to the narration of al-Ya'qubi, a historian of the third century AH, after the event of the Saqifa of Banu Sa'ida, some companions such as 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, al-Fadl b. 'Abbas, Salman al-Farsi, Abu Dharr al-Ghifari, 'Ammar Yasir, and al-Bara' b. 'Azib refused to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr.[103] According to Sayyid Murtada 'Askari, a history researcher of the fifteenth century AH, those same individuals who did not pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr staged a sit-in along with Imam Ali (a) in Fatima's (a) house.[104] Al-Tabari has also named Talha and al-Zubayr among those who staged the sit-in.[105]

According to the narration of the book Al-Imama wa l-siyasa, attributed to Ibn Qutayba, Abu Bakr sent 'Umar and Qunfudh to Fatima's (a) house on four occasions to call Ali (a) and those staging the sit-in in his house for allegiance.[106] On the fourth occasion, 'Umar went to Fatima's (a) house accompanied by a number of people, brought Ali (a) out, and took him to Abu Bakr.[107] According to Muhammad Hadi Yusufi Gharawi, an Islamic history researcher, on the third occasion the caliph and his supporters resorted to severe measures.[108] Al-Zubayr, who was among those present in Fatima's (a) house, drew his sword and attacked 'Umar, but Khalid b. Walid threw a stone at him and the sword fell from his hand. 'Umar picked up the sword and struck it against a stone, and the sword broke.[109]

According to what is mentioned in some Sunni sources, including Al-'Iqd al-farid,[110] Tarikh al-Tabari,[111] Ansab al-ashraf,[112] Al-Musannaf,[113] and Al-Imama wa l-siyasa,[114] 'Umar b. al-Khattab threatened that he would set the house on fire with its inhabitants. According to Ibn 'Abd Rabbih, this action was done based on Abu Bakr's order to 'Umar.[115]

According to some old Shia sources like Kitab Sulaym b. Qays, 'Umar b. al-Khattab carried out his threat, set fire to the door of Fatima's (a) house, entered the house, and struck Fatima's (a) side with the scabbard of his sword.[116] And according to the book Ithbat al-wasiyya, they forcefully took Ali (a) outside and pressed the Master of the Women between the door and the wall, such that her child Muhsin (a) was miscarried.[117] Al-'Ayyashi, a Shia hadith scholar, has also stated that 'Umar broke the door of the house with a kick, entered the house, and took Ali (a) out with his hands tied.[118]

Status of the Caliphate During the Presence of the Shia Imams

The years 11/632-33 to 260/873-74 are the period of the presence of the Shia Imams. Eleven Imams lived in this period, and from the year 260 AH, the twelfth Imam reached the Imamate but went into occultation. From the year 11/632-33 to 35/655-56, the three caliphs (Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman) held the government. This period corresponds concurrently to the lifetime of Imam Ali (a), the first Imam of the Shias, whose right to the caliphate the Shias believe in. From the year 35/655-56 to early 41/661-62, Imam Ali (a) and Imam al-Hasan (a) reached the caliphate. In the year 41/661-62, Mu'awiya took the caliphate from al-Hasan b. Ali (a), and from that year until the end of this 250-year period, none of the twelve Shia Imams (a) reached rulership.

Initial Opposition of Ali (a) and His Companions to Abu Bakr's Government

After the event of the Saqifa of Banu Sa'ida and Abu Bakr's reaching the caliphate, some of the companions refused to pledge allegiance to him and staged a sit-in along with Imam Ali (a) in Fatima's (a) house.[119] The caliph and his companions tried to take allegiance from this group and sent people to Ali's (a) house several times.[120] Based on this report, on the first occasion, Imam Ali (a) said he had sworn an oath not to leave the house until he had compiled the Qur'an.[121] It has also been reported that Ali (a) would go to the doors of the houses of the Ansar at night along with Fatima (a) and seek their help.[122] After the incident of the attack on Fatima's (a) house and the miscarriage of her fetus, Fatima (a) was confined to bed at home, and during this time, she did not accept Abu Bakr and 'Umar's visitation to her and expressed that she was upset and dissatisfied with those two individuals.[123] She also bequeathed to be carried in a funeral procession and buried at night so that others would not be present at her funeral procession.[124]

The Incident of Allegiance to Abu Bakr

Imams and Caliphs
Imams and Caliphs
Imams Life span & Duration of Imamate Caliphs
Imam 'Ali (a) Life span: (b.3 BH/600 - d.40/661) Abu Bakr • 'Umar b. Khattab • 'Uthman b. 'Affan
Duration of Imamate: (b.3 BH/600 - d.40/661)
Imam al-Hasan (a) Life span: (b. 3/625 - d. 50/670) Abu Bakr • 'Umar b. Khattab • 'Uthman b. 'Affan • Imam 'Ali (a) • Mu'awiya
Duration of Imamate: 40/661 - 50/670
Imam al-Husayn (a) Life span: (b. 4/626 - d. 61/680) Abu Bakr • 'Umar b. Khattab • 'Uthman b. 'Affan • Imam 'Ali (a) • Imam al-Hasan (a) • Mu'awiya • Yazid b. Mu'awiya
Duration of Imamate: 50/670 - 61/680
Imam al-Sajjad (a) Life span: (b. 38/658 – d. 94/713) Imam 'Ali • Imam al-Hasan (a) • Mu'awiya • Yazid • Mu'awyia b. Yazid • Marwan b. Hakam • 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan • Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik
Duration of Imamate: b. 61/680 – 94/713
Imam al-Baqir (a) Life span: (b. 57/677 – d. 114/733) Mu'awiya • Yazid b. Mu'awiya • Mu'awyia b. Yazid • Marwan b. Hakam • 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan • Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik • Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik • 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz • Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik • Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik
Duration of Imamate: 94/713 - 114/733
Imam al-Sadiq (a) Life span: (b. 83/704 – d. 148/765) 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan • Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik • • Sulayman b. 'Abd al-Malik • 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz • Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik • Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik • Walid b. Yazid • Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik • Ibrahim b. Walid • Marwan b. Muhammad • Abu l-'Abbas al-Saffah • al-Mansur al-Dawaniqi
Duration of Imamate: 114/733 - 148/765
Imam al-Kazim (a) Life span: (b. 128/745 - d. 183/799) Marwan b. Muhammad • Abu l-'Abbas al-Saffah • al-Mansur al-Dawaniqi • al-Mahdi al-'Abbasi • al-Hadi al-'Abbasi • Harun al-Rashid
Duration of Imamate: 148/765 - 183/799
Imam al-Rida (a) Life span: (b. 148/766 – d. 203/818) Al-Mansur al-Dawaniqi • Mahdi al-'Abbasi • Hadi al-'Abbasi • Harun al-Rashid • Amin al-'Abbasi • Ma'mun al-'Abbasi
Duration of Imamate: 183/799 - 203/818
Imam al-Jawad (a) Life span: (b. 195/811 - d. 220/835) Amin al-'Abbasi • Ma'mun al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tasam al-'Abbasi
Duration of Imamate: 203/818 - 220/835
Imam al-Hadi (a) Life span: (b. 212/828 - d. 254/868) Ma'mun al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tasam al-'Abbasi • al-Wathiq bi Allah • al-Mutawakkil al-'Abbasi • al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi • al-Musta'in al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tazz al-'Abbasi
Duration of Imamate: 220/835 - 254/868
Imam al-'Askari (a) Life span: (b. 232/846 - d. 260/874) al-Mutawakkil al-'Abbasi • al-Muntasir al-'Abbasi • al-Musta'in al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tazz al-'Abbasi • al-Muhtadi al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tamad al-'Abbasi
Duration of Imamate: 254/835 - 260/874
Imam al-Mahdi (a) Life span: (b. 255/869 - alive) al-Mu'tazz al-'Abbasi • al-Muhtadi al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tamad al-'Abbasi • al-Mu'tadad al-'Abbasi • al-Muktafi al-'Abbasi • al-Muqtadir al-'Abbasi • al-Qahir al-'Abbasi • al-Radi al-'Abbasi • ...
Duration of Imamate: 260/874 - alive

After four[125] or three times attacking the house of Ali (a) and Fatima (a), the caliph and his supporters resorted to severe measures to extract allegiance from Imam Ali (a).[126] They took Ali (a) to Abu Bakr and threatened him that if he did not pledge allegiance, he would be beheaded.[127] According to the narrations of the book of Sulaym, Ali (a) engaged in argumentation in that gathering and reminded the attendees of the Prophet's (s) words on the Day of Ghadir and other instances regarding his own succession, but Abu Bakr said he had heard from the Prophet (s) that prophethood and caliphate do not gather in his Ahl al-Bayt (a).[128]

According to a narration, when they threatened Ali (a) that if he did not pledge allegiance, he would be beheaded, 'Abbas, the Prophet's (s) uncle, took Ali's (a) hand to save him and rubbed it on Abu Bakr's hand, and they released Ali (a).[129] However, according to the narration of the book Al-Imama wa l-siyasa, Abu Bakr said he would not force Ali (a) to pledge allegiance as long as Fatima (a) was by his side.[130] According to Al-Shaykh al-Mufid, there are different reports regarding whether Ali (a) pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr or not; including that he pledged allegiance after forty days, or six months, or after the martyrdom of Fatima (a). Al-Shaykh al-Mufid believes that Ali (a) never pledged allegiance.[131]

Ali (a) and the Six-Member Council of the Caliphate

According to historical reports, 'Umar b. al-Khattab was assassinated by Abu Lu'lu' in the year 23/643-44.[132] 'Umar would say on his deathbed that if Mu'adh b. Jabal, Abu 'Ubayda, and Salim Mawla Abi Hudhayfa were alive, he would have entrusted the caliphate to them.[133] But since these individuals had passed away,[134] in order to determine the caliph after himself, he appointed a six-member council consisting of Ali b. Abi Talib (a), 'Uthman b. 'Affan, Talha, al-Zubayr, Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf[135] so that they would elect a caliph from among themselves with the agreement of the majority of the council members, and if 2 groups of 3 had differing opinions, the vote of the group in which 'Abd al-Rahman was present would be accepted.[136]

Some believe that the composition of the council was such that it would ultimately lead to the election of 'Uthman, because Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas would not oppose his cousin 'Abd al-Rahman, and 'Abd al-Rahman, who was 'Uthman's brother-in-law, would vote for him.[137] With Sa'd, al-Zubayr, 'Abd al-Rahman, and Talha stepping aside from the candidacy for the caliphate, only Ali (a) and 'Uthman were candidates for the caliphate,[138] and the vote and opinion of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf became decisive. He first asked Ali (a) to pledge that in case he reached the position of the caliphate, he would also remain loyal to the sira (method) of the two previous caliphs. Ali (a) in response only accepted acting upon the Book of God and the sunna of the Messenger of God (s). Then 'Abd al-Rahman shared his condition with 'Uthman, and he immediately accepted and was elected to the caliphate.[139]

Some sources have mentioned that Ali (a) considered Ibn 'Awf's condition as a kind of deception so that the caliphate would return to him after 'Uthman, and he deemed this action as the usurpation of his right which had turned into a tradition against the Ahl al-Bayt (a).[140] And during the people's allegiance to 'Uthman, he also said: "You know well that I am more deserving of the caliphate than anyone else. By God, as long as the affairs of the Muslims are in order and do not fall into disarray, and no one other than me is oppressed, I will remain silent."[141] Just as years later in the Al-Shiqshiqiyya Sermon, he also complained about the event of the council and explicitly stated that they placed him on the same level as themselves, but even then he compromised and harmonized with them.[142]

Usurpation of the Caliphate by the Umayyads

After the martyrdom of Imam Ali (a) in the year 40/660-61 in Kufa, the people pledged allegiance to Imam al-Hasan al-Mujtaba (a),[143] but due to the lack of accompaniment from the people of Kufa in the war with Mu'awiya's army,[144] Mu'awiya took the caliphate from him through a peace treaty[145] and became the founder of the Umayyad caliphate.[146] Mu'awiya himself explicitly stated that he had taken the caliphate not with the consent of the people but by the force of the sword.[147]

According to some historical reports, Mu'awiya had accepted that after his death, the caliphate would return to al-Hasan, and if al-Hasan had passed away, his brother al-Husayn b. Ali (a) would reach the caliphate.[148] Mu'awiya was the ruler until the year 60/679-80 for a period of twenty years.[149] In the year 51/671-72 and in the middle of this twenty-year period, al-Hasan b. Ali (a) passed away,[150] and his brother al-Husayn remained as the claimant to the caliphate.[151] However, Mu'awiya, a few years before his death in the year 56/675-76, took allegiance from some prominent Muslims for the government of his son Yazid.[152]

Mu'awiya passed away in the year 60/679-80, and Yazid named himself the caliph.[153] Al-Husayn b. Ali and others like 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr did not obey this decision.[154] Al-Husayn was forced to go from Medina to Mecca[155] and from there toward Iraq.[156] After a few months of Yazid's government, the troops that had been equipped by 'Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad, the ruler of Kufa, killed al-Husayn and his companions in Karbala.[157] After the martyrdom of Imam al-Husayn, the Shias were under constraint and pressure from several directions in the Umayyad government.[158] Due to this very situation and the severe suppression of opponents by the Umayyads,[159] Imam al-Sajjad (a)[160] and Imam al-Baqir (a),[161] who lived in this period, did not enter into overt political activity.[162] The sixth Imam, Imam al-Sadiq (a), part of whose Imamate period was during the days of the Umayyad government, also did not have a political movement and even refrained from overt accompaniment with the uprising of his nephew Zayd.[163] Just as he subsequently did not accept the invitation of the Abbasids for the leadership of the uprising against the Umayyads either.[164]

The Abbasids and the Usurpation of the Caliphate

From the perspective of Shias, the Abbasids, who became the rulers of the Islamic lands from the year 132/749-50,[165] are also considered usurpers of the Imams' caliphate.[166] Although the Abbasids had begun their movement against the Umayyads with Shia slogans, after a while they cast aside Shia thought and showed an inclination toward the superiority of the Shaykhayn (Abu Bakr and 'Umar) over Ali (a).[167] And they suppressed any movement by the 'Alids, whether from the Zaydiyya or from the Imamiyya, just as Harun al-'Abbasi arrested and killed four of the 'Alid leaders.[168]

The Shia Imams from Imam al-Sadiq (a) onwards all lived during the days of the Abbasid government. Imam al-Sadiq (a), who during the days of the Umayyads had not accepted the proposal to rebel against the Umayyads under his own leadership, did not exhibit any overt political activity during the Abbasid era either.[169] The seventh Imam, Musa al-Kazim (a), whom the Shias considered the riser from the Ahl al-Bayt (a), spent a long time in prison and was also martyred in prison.[170] Three other Shia Imams, the ninth Imam, the tenth Imam, and the eleventh Imam, were also under surveillance in Samarra, the center of the Abbasid caliphate, during this period.[171]

The eighth Imam, Ali b. Musa al-Rida (a), was brought from Medina to Khorasan by the order of al-Ma'mun, the Abbasid caliph.[172] Al-Ma'mun first proposed handing over the caliphate to the eighth Imam, but Imam al-Rida (a) did not accept this proposal.[173] Then al-Ma'mun forced him to accept the succession to the throne.[174] Less than two years later, Imam al-Rida (a) passed away.[175] The demise of Imam al-Rida (a) in Khorasan was attributed to al-Ma'mun, as there were abundant indications for this claim.[176] A group of Shia historians have explicitly stated that Imam al-Rida (a) was martyred with poison and by the order of al-Ma'mun.[177] The twelfth Imam, al-Mahdi (a), was also kept hidden from others from the very beginning of his birth, and from the beginning of his Imamate in the year 260 AH, he went into occultation and only communicated with the people through specific individuals. And after the year 329/940-41, he severed all his apparent communications with the people, and the period of the Major Occultation began.[178]

Usurpation of the Caliphate and Shia Political Theory

The political theories of Shias are also influenced by the theory of the right to the caliphate of the Shia Imams and considering others as usurpers in this position.

Legitimacy of the Imams' Government Without the People's Accompaniment

In response to the question of whether the infallible Imams can take over the government without the accompaniment of the people, and whether in such a case, their government would have legitimacy or not, there are two approaches. In the view of Muhammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi, although Imam Ali (a) could have ruled over the people during his 25-year period of silence and his government had legitimacy, but since the people had not pledged allegiance to him and his government did not have acceptability among the people, he refrained from ruling over them and did not impose his government upon the people by force and power.[179] In explaining this viewpoint, it has been said that for the infallible Imam to be able to take over the management of the society, it is incumbent upon the people to support him; otherwise, he will not have the duty to form a government.[180]

In contrast to this viewpoint, Mahdi Bazargan and Mahdi Ha'iri Yazdi believe that the right to govern and the caliphate is solely with the election of the people, and God, the prophets, and the Imams do not have the right to govern by themselves.[181] In their view, Imam Ali's (a) silence is interpreted in this very direction.[182] According to Muhammad Hasan Qaramaki, one of the professors of the seminary of Qom, supporters of secularism have argued for the correctness of secularism by resorting to Imam Ali's (a) 25-year silence.[183]

Right of Sovereignty During the Era of Occultation

Al-Shaykh al-Ansari (1214/1799-1800 - 1281/1864-65) believes that all rulers of the era of Occultation are unjust rulers, even if they are Shias, because they have usurped the position of the infallible Imam,[184] just as Akhund Khurasani (1255/1839-40 - 1329/1911-12), 'Abd Allah al-Mazandarani (1256/1840-41 - 1330/1911-12), and Mirza Husayn Tihrani have also accepted this premise and consider all non-infallible rulers as unjust rulers.[185] Al-Na'ini has also used the expression "unjust monarchy".[186] According to Dawud Firahi, this theory, which is proven by relying on the rule of "the prohibition of aiding oppressors," also paved the way for the fatwa of some jurists against the rulers of Iran in the Constitutional Revolution.[187]

Based on the theory of the right to the caliphate of the Shia Imams, Shia jurists consider any form of government by others as illegitimate and usurping.[188] This theory, during the time of the presence of the infallible Imams, gives the right of decision-making regarding the structure of the political system to them.[189] However, regarding the government during the era of the occultation of the infallible Imam, Shia scholars have not had a single opinion and have presented several theories.[190] The most famous theory is the belief in the right of the jurist (faqih) to govern with the permission and appointment from the infallible Imams, which is known as the theory of Wilayat al-Faqih.[191]

Interaction with Illegitimate Governments

How to interact and communicate with the government of non-infallibles has been raised in Shia political jurisprudence since the era of the Imams. Up until the era of Al-Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413/1022-23), Shias generally considered cooperation with unjust rulers to be haram.[192] But from this period onwards, other theories were also proposed which in some cases consider cooperation with unjust rulers to be permissible and sometimes obligatory.[193]

Regarding cooperation or non-cooperation with usurping governments, properties that reach individuals from these governments, and obedience or non-obedience to the orders of these rulers, hadiths have reached us from the Shia Imams.[194] One category of these narrations is general and forbids participation in oppression against others,[195] and another category is narrations that have also forbidden certain partial and specific actions.[196]

Notes

  1. ↑ Rustamiyān, Ḥākimiyyat-i siyāsī-yi maʿṣūmān, 1381 SH, p. 31.
  2. ↑ Ḥājī Taqī, Jihād-i Shīʿa dar dawra-yi awwal-i ʿAbbāsī, 1384 SH, p. 135.
  3. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 13.
  4. ↑ Al-Muẓaffar, Tārīkh al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, p. 22.
  5. ↑ Jamʿī az muʾallifān, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ, 1388 SH, vol. 1, pp. 5-6.
  6. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 13.
  7. ↑ ʿAskarī, Naqsh-i aʾimma dar iḥyāʾ-i dīn, 1382 SH, vol. 2, p. 459.
  8. ↑ Pākatchī, "Andīsha-yi siyāsī dar taʿālīm-i Imām Riḍā (a)", p. 143.
  9. ↑ Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, Al-Futūḥ, 1411 AH, vol. 5, p. 56.
  10. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1387 SH, p. 367.
  11. ↑ ʿĀmilī, Ranjhā-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Zahrā (s), 1382 SH, p. 115.
  12. ↑ Murījī, "ʿĀshūrā payāmad-i taghyīr-i arzishhā", p. 17; ʿAbd al-Muḥammadī, "Rīshahā-yi farhangī, siyāsī wa ijtimāʿī-yi qiyām-i Imām Ḥusayn (ʿalayh al-salām)", p. 45.
  13. ↑ Jaʿfarī, Tashayyuʿ dar masīr-i tārīkh, 1380 SH, p. 68.
  14. ↑ Jaʿfarī, Tashayyuʿ dar masīr-i tārīkh, 1380 SH, pp. 68-70.
  15. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Tārīkh-i khulafā, 1380 SH, p. 23.
  16. ↑ Al-Laythī, Jihād al-Shīʿa fī l-ʿaṣr al-ʿAbbāsī al-awwal, 1428 AH, p. 120.
  17. ↑ Riḍā, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-karīm, 1366 AH, vol. 8, p. 224.
  18. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1387 SH, p. 60.
  19. ↑ Ismāʿīl, Al-Ḥarakāt al-sirriyya fī l-Islām, 1997, p. 103.
  20. ↑ Imāmīfar, Tārīkh-nigārān-i Shīʿa (tā qarn-i haftum-i Hijrī), 1383 SH, p. 56.
  21. ↑ Jaʿfarī, Tashayyuʿ dar masīr-i tārīkh, 1380 SH, p. 80.
  22. ↑ Tunikābunī, Ḍiyāʾ al-qulūb, 1382 SH, vol. 1, p. 338.
  23. ↑ Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, Beirut, vol. 5, p. 357.
  24. ↑ Jalālī, "Pizhūhishī darbāra-yi Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī", p. 90.
  25. ↑ Sulṭānī and Fallāḥzāda, "Barrasī-yi guzārishhā-yi chālish-barangīz-i kitāb-i Sulaym b. Qays pīrāmūn-i Ḥaḍrat-i Mahdī", p. 370.
  26. ↑ Jaʿfarī, Tashayyuʿ dar masīr-i tārīkh, 1380 SH, p. 41.
  27. ↑ Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 1, p. 79.
  28. ↑ Ghulāmī, Pas az ghurūb, 1388 SH, p. 139.
  29. ↑ Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 28, pp. 85-174.
  30. ↑ Mishkāt, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ dar Īrān, 1358 SH, p. 806.
  31. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 15.
  32. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 18.
  33. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 18.
  34. ↑ For example, see: Pūrsayyidāqāʾī, Chashma dar bistar: Taḥlīlī az zamān-shināsī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Zahrā (s), 1375 SH, pp. 59-61; Al-Muẓaffar, Al-Saqīfa, 1415 AH, pp. 75-93.
  35. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 13.
  36. ↑ Ghulāmī, Pas az ghurūb, 1388 SH, p. 21.
  37. ↑ Ghulāmī, Pas az ghurūb, 1388 SH, pp. 21-22.
  38. ↑ Ghulāmī, Pas az ghurūb, 1388 SH, p. 58; Al-Ṭāʾī, Al-Saqīfa inqilāb abyaḍ, 1420 AH, pp. 183-186.
  39. ↑ Anṣārī, Ghadīr dar Qurʾān, Qurʾān dar Ghadīr: Nuzūl-i āyāt-i Qurʾān dar Ghadīr, 1387 SH, vol. 1, p. 239.
  40. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Ṭabarsī, Al-Iḥtijāj ʿalā ahl al-lajāj, 1403 AH, vol. 1, p. 62.
  41. ↑ For example, see: Al-Wāqidī, Al-Maghāzī, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 1117; Al-Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, Dār Ṣādir, vol. 2, p. 113; Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Irshād fī ḥujaj Allāh ʿalā l-ʿibād, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 180.
  42. ↑ Al-Wāqidī, Al-Maghāzī, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 1117.
  43. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Irshād fī ḥujaj Allāh ʿalā l-ʿibād, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 180.
  44. ↑ Ibn Hishām, Al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, Dār al-Maʿrifa, vol. 2, p. 650.
  45. ↑ Al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 474; Al-Wāqidī, Al-Maghāzī, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 1118; Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 3, p. 186.
  46. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Irshād fī ḥujaj Allāh ʿalā l-ʿibād, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 183.
  47. ↑ Al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 474.
  48. ↑ Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, 1422 AH, vol. 6, p. 9, hadith 4432.
  49. ↑ Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, 1422 AH, vol. 6, p. 9, hadith 4432.
  50. ↑ Al-Nīsābūrī, Al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1412 AH, vol. 3, p. 1259, hadith 1637.
  51. ↑ Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, 1422 AH, vol. 6, p. 9, hadith 4432; Al-Nīsābūrī, Al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1412 AH, vol. 3, p. 1259, hadith 1637.
  52. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Amālī, 1413 AH, p. 135.
  53. ↑ Ibn Ḥajar al-Haytamī, Al-Ṣawāʿiq al-muḥriqa ʿalā ahl al-rafḍ wa l-ḍalāl wa l-zandaqa, 1417 AH, vol. 2, pp. 438, 440.
  54. ↑ Makārim Shīrāzī, Payām-i Qurʾān, 1386 SH, vol. 9, pp. 62, 77; Sharaf al-Dīn, Al-Murājaʿāt, 1426 AH, p. 70.
  55. ↑ Sharaf al-Dīn, Al-Murājaʿāt, 1426 AH, p. 70.
  56. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Irshād fī ḥujaj Allāh ʿalā l-ʿibād, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 185.
  57. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Irshād fī ḥujaj Allāh ʿalā l-ʿibād, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 185.
  58. ↑ Al-Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 11, p. 224; Ibn Kathīr al-Dimashqī, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 7, p. 359.
  59. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Sīra-yi Rasūl-i Khudā (ṣ), 1383 SH, p. 679.
  60. ↑ Ibn Saʿd, Al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, 1410 AH, vol. 2, pp. 214-216; Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, n.d., vol. 3, pp. 196-197.
  61. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 38.
  62. ↑ Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad al-Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, 1421 AH, vol. 31, p. 203.
  63. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 44.
  64. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 45.
  65. ↑ Ghulāmī, Pas az ghurūb, 1388 SH, p. 139.
  66. ↑ Al-Ṭāʾī, Al-Saqīfa inqilāb abyaḍ, 1420 AH, p. 180.
  67. ↑ Al-Ṭāʾī, Al-Saqīfa inqilāb abyaḍ, 1420 AH, pp. 180, 187.
  68. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 15.
  69. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 18.
  70. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 18.
  71. ↑ ʿAbd al-Maqṣūd, Al-Saqīfa wa l-khilāfa, 1427 AH, p. 246.
  72. ↑ Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, Kitāb Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, 1420 AH, p. 232.
  73. ↑ Al-Qummī, Safīnat al-biḥār, 1414 AH, vol. 5, p. 56.
  74. ↑ Sayyid b. Ṭāwūs, Ṭaraf min al-anbāʾ wa l-manāqib, Nashr-i Tāsūʿā, p. 564.
  75. ↑ Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 28, pp. 85-174.
  76. ↑ Mishkāt, Tārīkh-i tashayyuʿ dar Īrān, 1358 SH, p. 806.
  77. ↑ Sayyid b. Ṭāwūs, Ṭaraf min al-anbāʾ wa l-manāqib, Nashr-i Tāsūʿā, p. 564.
  78. ↑ Amīnī Gulistānī, Āyā wa chirā, 1392 SH, p. 91.
  79. ↑ Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 28, p. 86.
  80. ↑ Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, Kitāb Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, 1420 AH, p. 232.
  81. ↑ Amīnī Gulistānī, Āyā wa chirā, 1392 SH, p. 91.
  82. ↑ Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, Kitāb Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, 1420 AH, p. 232.
  83. ↑ Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, Kitāb Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, 1420 AH, p. 232.
  84. ↑ Al-Daylamī, Irshād al-qulūb, 1412 AH, vol. 2, p. 333.
  85. ↑ Ibn Hishām, Al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, Dār al-Maʿrifa, vol. 2, p. 655; Ibn Saʿd, Al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, 1410 AH, vol. 2, p. 205.
  86. ↑ Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 3, p. 201; Ibn Kathīr al-Dimashqī, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 5, p. 242.
  87. ↑ Ibn Kathīr al-Dimashqī, Al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 5, p. 243.
  88. ↑ Ibn Hishām, Al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, Dār al-Maʿrifa, vol. 2, p. 656; Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, 1387 AH, vol. 3, p. 200.
  89. ↑ ʿAbd al-Maqṣūd, Al-Saqīfa wa l-khilāfa, 1427 AH, p. 81.
  90. ↑ Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-balāgha, 1404 AH, vol. 2, pp. 42-43.
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  98. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (ṣ), 1377 SH, p. 61.
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  118. ↑ Al-ʿAyyāshī, Tafsīr al-ʿAyyāshī, 1380 AH, vol. 2, p. 67.
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  122. ↑ Al-Amīnī, Al-Ghadīr, 1416 AH, vol. 7, p. 108.
  123. ↑ Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 43, p. 204.
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  126. ↑ Yūsufī Gharawī, "Tārīkh-i hujūm bih khāna-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Zahrā (ʿalayhā al-salām)", p. 14.
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  128. ↑ Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, Kitāb Sulaym b. Qays al-Hilālī, 1420 AH, vol. 1, pp. 153-155.
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  131. ↑ Al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, Al-Fuṣūl al-mukhtāra, 1413 AH, pp. 56-57.
  132. ↑ Al-Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, Dār Ṣādir, vol. 2, pp. 159-160; Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Al-Istīʿāb, 1412 AH, vol. 3, pp. 1155-1156; Al-Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 2, pp. 320-321.
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  134. ↑ Ibn Saʿd, Al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, 1410 AH, vol. 3, p. 344.
  135. ↑ Al-Suyūṭī, Tārīkh al-khulafāʾ, 1413 AH, p. 129.
  136. ↑ Al-Yaʿqūbī, Tārīkh al-Yaʿqūbī, vol. 2, p. 160.
  137. ↑ Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-balāgha, Egypt, vol. 1, p. 188.
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  142. ↑ Makārim Shīrāzī, Nahj al-balāgha bā tarjuma-yi rawān-i fārsī, 1384 SH, vol. 1, p. 39.
  143. ↑ Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, n.d., vol. 5, p. 158.
  144. ↑ Āl Yāsīn, Ṣulḥ al-Ḥasan, 1373 SH, pp. 244-246; Jaʿfariyān, Tārīkh-i khulafā: Az riḥlat-i Payāmbar tā zawāl-i Umawiyyān, 1380 SH, p. 369.
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  162. ↑ Al-Laythī, Jihād al-Shīʿa fī l-ʿaṣr al-ʿAbbāsī al-awwal, 1428 AH, p. 244.
  163. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1387 SH, pp. 362-364.
  164. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1387 SH, p. 367.
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  166. ↑ Al-Laythī, Jihād al-Shīʿa fī l-ʿaṣr al-ʿAbbāsī al-awwal, 1428 AH, pp. 408, 495.
  167. ↑ Al-Khuḍarī, Al-Dawla al-ʿAbbāsiyya, 1422 AH, p. 470.
  168. ↑ Al-Laythī, Jihād al-Shīʿa fī l-ʿaṣr al-ʿAbbāsī al-awwal, 1428 AH, p. 397.
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  176. ↑ Al-Khuḍarī, Al-Dawla al-ʿAbbāsiyya, 1422 AH, p. 470.
  177. ↑ Al-ʿĀmilī, Al-Ḥayāt al-siyāsiyya li-l-Imām al-Riḍā, 1403 AH, p. 422; Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī wa siyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, 1387 SH, p. 446.
  178. ↑ Al-Muẓaffar, Tārīkh al-Shīʿa, 1408 AH, pp. 71-74.
  179. ↑ Miṣbāḥ Yazdī, Pāsukh bi purshishhā, 1391 SH, vol. 1, p. 29.
  180. ↑ ʿAlam al-Hudā, Siyāsat dar Qurʾān, 1397 SH, vol. 2, pp. 45-46; Murtaḍawī, "Ẓuhūr-i Ḥaḍrat-i Mahdī (aj) dar intikhāb-i māst", vol. 2, p. 289.
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  182. ↑ Bāzargān, Biʿthat (2), 1387 SH, p. 299.
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  184. ↑ Fīraḥī, "Mabānī-yi fiqhī-yi mashrūṭa-khwāhī az dīdgāh-i Ākhūnd Khurāsānī", p. 17.
  185. ↑ Fīraḥī, "Mabānī-yi fiqhī-yi mashrūṭa-khwāhī az dīdgāh-i Ākhūnd Khurāsānī", p. 25.
  186. ↑ Fīraḥī, "Mabānī-yi fiqhī-yi mashrūṭa-khwāhī az dīdgāh-i Ākhūnd Khurāsānī", p. 26.
  187. ↑ Fīraḥī, "Mabānī-yi fiqhī-yi mashrūṭa-khwāhī az dīdgāh-i Ākhūnd Khurāsānī", p. 18.
  188. ↑ Muṣṭafawī, Darāmadī bar teʾorīhā-yi ḥākimiyyat wa dawlat az manẓar-i Islām, 1386 SH, p. 173.
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  192. ↑ Ḥasanī-Nasab et al., "Taʿāmul bā sulṭān-i jawr dar andīsha-yi Shaykh Mufīd", p. 104.
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