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Waraqa b. Nawfal
Giver of glad tidings of the Prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (s)
Full NameWaraqa b. Nawfal b. Asad b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Qusayy
LineageQuraysh tribe
Well-known RelativesCousin of Lady Khadija (a)
Places of ResidenceMecca


Waraqa b. Nawfal was a cousin of Lady Khadija (a). During the Age of Ignorance, he traveled from Mecca to the al-Sham in search of the true religion and subsequently embraced Christianity. Prior to the advent of Islam, he predicted the emergence of a Prophet from Mecca, and following the Mission of the Prophet (s), he affirmed his prophethood.

Scholarly opinion diverges regarding Waraqa's ultimate fate; some maintain he died a Muslim, while others assert he remained a Christian until his death. He is renowned as a witness to the miracles of the Prophet (s) and for his role as an intermediary in the marriage proposal of Lady Khadija (a). While certain Sunni sources suggest that Waraqa played a consoling role when the Prophet (s) doubted the nature of his revelation, Shi'a scholars, citing narrations from the Ahl al-Bayt (a), reject this claim. They characterize such accounts as distortions introduced by the People of the Book, maintaining that the Prophet (s) possessed absolute certainty regarding his mission from its inception.

Biography

Waraqa b. Nawfal b. Asad b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Qusayy,[1] a member of the Quraysh tribe,[2] was the uncle[3] or cousin of Lady Khadija (a), the wife of the Prophet (s).[4] He lived during the early era of the Prophethood of the Holy Prophet (s).[5] It is reported that he conveyed the glad tidings of the Prophet's (s) mission to him and his wife Khadija (a)[6] and confirmed his status.[7] By the time of the Mission of the Prophet (s), Waraqa was an elderly, blind man.[8] There is scholarly debate regarding his classification as a Sahaba.[9] Some historians consider him a Sahaba who offered counsel to the Prophet (s).[10]

Waraqa is regarded as a sage[11] and one of the wise men of the Arabs.[12] He is claimed to have been the most learned individual in Mecca[13] and the most knowledgeable of his era,[14] maintaining acquaintance with numerous scholars of the People of the Book.[15] He studied religious scriptures;[16] in addition to mastering the Hebrew language,[17] he possessed the ability to write Arabic[18] in the Hebrew script[19] and transcribed the Gospel in both Hebrew[20] and Arabic.[21]

Waraqa is counted among those who, prior to the Prophet's (s) mission, heard a voice from the unseen declaring that the best people on earth were Bahira the monk and one who had not yet appeared (i.e., the Prophet).[22] Some sources attribute skill in Kuhana to him.[23] His moral counsels to Lady Khadija (a) are also recorded in historical sources.[24]

Death

Historians differ regarding the timing of Waraqa b. Nawfal's death:

  • Before the Mission (Bi'tha): Some scholars question whether he was alive at the time of the Mission of the Prophet (s),[25] believing he died before the revelation and the Prophet's (s) public invitation.[26]
  • Before the Invitation of the Prophet (s): Some hold that Waraqa died during the Mission[27] but prior to the public invitation, around 12 years before the Hijra.[28]
  • Alive at the Time of the Prophet's (s) Invitation: Some cite his meeting with Bilal al-Habashi, who was being tortured by the polytheists, as evidence that he witnessed the era of the Prophet's (s) invitation.[29]
  • After Hijra: It is reported that Waraqa met the Prophet (s) en route to al-Sham after the Hijra. The Prophet (s) asked him to participate in a battle; Waraqa accepted, traveled to the lands of Lakhm and Judham, and was killed there. The Prophet (s) subsequently prayed for God's mercy upon him.[30]

The author of Ansab al-Ashraf proposes two possibilities regarding his death: that he died and was buried in al-Sham during his travels, or that he died in Mecca after the Mission and was buried there.[31]

Well-Known Relatives

Waraqa is also considered a relative of Lady Amina (a), the mother of the Prophet (s).[32] A narrative exists concerning his sister, Umm Qital. At the time of the marriage of 'Abd Allah b. 'Abd al-Muttalib and Amina (a), Umm Qital saw a light on 'Abd Allah's forehead and proposed marriage to him,[33] having heard from her brother Waraqa that a prophet would arise from this people. However, 'Abd Allah declined her offer and proceeded to propose to Amina (a).[34] Some historians, however, suggest that Umm Qital may have been 'Abd Allah's first wife.[35] Waraqa's brother, 'Adi, is mentioned as the governor of Hadhramaut during the caliphates of 'Umar and 'Uthman.[36]

Religion of Waraqa b. Nawfal

Waraqa b. Nawfal is classified among the People of the Book[37] and the "guided ones" of the Age of Ignorance[38] who rejected the religion of their people.[39] He eschewed polytheism and idol worship,[40] adopting the Hanif religion[41] or Christianity.[42] Some sources identify him as a priest.[43] He refused to consume animals slaughtered according to Jahiliyya customs[44] and deemed Wine[45] and Azlam (divining arrows) to be haram.[46]

Opinions vary regarding whether Waraqa converted to Islam[47] or remained a Christian.[48] Some believe that following the Mission of the Prophet (s), he confirmed and believed in him,[49] yet died as a guided individual[50] before the public invitation began.[51] Others consider him a believer with faith and identify him as one of the people of Paradise.[52]

Reports exist that the Prophet (s) forbade cursing Waraqa.[53] Narrations indicating his confirmation of Prophet Muhammad's (s) Prophethood prior to declaring Islam[54] are cited by some as evidence of his faith.[55] Attributed poems in which Waraqa confirms the Prophet's (s) mission[56] have led some scholars to consider him a Muslim.[57][58]

However, others maintain he died a Christian,[59] and it is narrated from Ibn 'Asakir that he knew of no one who confirmed Waraqa's conversion.[60]

Predictions

Waraqa had gathered information regarding the future prophet from Jews and Christians.[61] Drawing upon history, the stories of the prophets, and his knowledge of the characteristics of Divine Prophets (a) and Heavenly Books,[62] he predicted the emergence of a new prophet from the Arab people,[63] specifically from Mecca[64] and the Quraysh tribe.[65]

Some sources suggest he knew the time was imminent and awaited it, believing this information was recorded in scripture.[66] He reportedly stated that a prophet would appear in that era to seal Messengership (see Finality of Prophethood), a glad tidings given by many scholars, and that faith in him would be obligatory.[67]

Following one of the Prophet's (s) trade journeys to al-Sham for Lady Khadija (a), her servant Maysara reported to her what he had heard from a Christian monk and his observation of two clouds constantly shading the Prophet (s). When Khadija informed Waraqa, he replied: "If what you say is true, Muhammad (s) will be the prophet of this nation. I knew this nation was awaiting a prophet, and now his time has arrived."[68] Other reports state that upon seeing signs of the Prophet (s), he swore: "By God, I have no doubt that he is the awaited prophet."[69]

Witness to Some Miracles of the Prophet (s)

Historical sources record miracles of the Prophet (s) witnessed by Waraqa, including:

  • During the Prophet's (s) childhood, his family lost him. Waraqa discovered him under a tree that had not existed there previously.[70]
  • Waraqa encountered the Prophet (s) on the road to Mecca and requested a sign of his prophethood. The Prophet (s) commanded a tree in the valley to approach them, and it began to move.[71]

Presence in the Prophet's (s) Marriage Proposal Ceremony

Lady Khadija (a) consulted Waraqa b. Nawfal regarding her marriage to Prophet Muhammad (s). Unlike her uncle, 'Amr b. Asad, Waraqa immediately endorsed the union after hearing Khadija's descriptions of the Prophet (s).[72]

He attended the proposal ceremony, reportedly acting as Lady Khadija's (a) representative.[73] It is said that Abu Talib and his family, accompanied by other Qurayshis, formally proposed to Waraqa.[74] In this assembly, Waraqa described the union with the Prophet's (s) family as an honor.[75]

Some researchers, however, contend that the proposal was addressed to 'Amr b. Asad.[76]

Story of Waraqa b. Nawfal

The most significant historical role attributed to Waraqa b. Nawfal,[77] frequently cited in Islamic sources with varying phrasing, is his confirmation of the Prophethood of the Prophet (s) at the onset of the Mission. This account is claimed to be Tawatur (widely transmitted)[78] and famous.[79] It is often referred to as the story[80] or hadith of Waraqa found in the book Hayat Muhammad.[81]

A narration attributed to 'A'isha, found in most Sunni sources[82] and some Shi'a texts,[83] states that after the initial revelation in the Cave of Hira and the encounter with Gabriel, the Prophet (s) returned home shivering and anxious.[84] He expressed concern to his wife Khadija (a) about the possibility of madness.[85][86] Lady Khadija (a), either alone[87] or accompanied by the Prophet (s), went to Waraqa to discuss the matter.[88][89]

Upon hearing the account, Waraqa proclaimed that Muhammad (s) was a prophet and that the visitor was Gabriel[90] (the Namus), who had also descended upon Prophet Moses (a).[91][92] The Prophet (s) reportedly found calm and reassurance in Waraqa's words.[93]

Accounts of the meeting differ. Some state the Prophet (s) and Khadija (a) went together;[94] others suggest Waraqa approached the Prophet (s) during the Tawaf of the Ka'ba after hearing from Khadija;[95] others place the meeting on a road in Mecca.[96] Similar content is narrated from 'Abd Allah b. al-Abbas[97] and Abu Maysara.[98] Bayhaqi, in the book Dala'il al-Nubuwwa, refers to similar narrations in this regard.[99]

Evaluation of the Story

These narrations imply that Prophet Muhammad (s) doubted his prophethood and the nature of the revelation, fearing madness until reassured by Waraqa.[100] While some orientalists view Waraqa as a primary encourager of the Prophet (s),[101] Shi'a researchers, relying on the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt (a), reject these accounts.[102][103] They argue that the Prophet (s) possessed absolute certainty from the moment of the Mission, rejoicing in the divine honor,[104] and that God provided clear proofs ensuring he knew the revelation was divine,[105] rendering him in no need of external confirmation.[106] Consequently, accounts depicting the Prophet's (s) anxiety or suicidal thoughts are dismissed as superstitions and distortions by the People of the Book that infiltrated Islamic texts.[107][108]

A narration from Imam al-Sadiq (a) explains that when asked why the Prophet (s) did not fear that Gabriel's appearance was a temptation from Satan, the Imam replied that God instilled tranquility in the Prophet (s), ensuring he recognized the divine origin of the message.[109]

Some early Sunni scholars also affirm the Prophet's (s) certainty regarding the revelation.[110] Modern researchers, such as Sheikh Abd al-Salam Muhammad of Al-Azhar University, Egypt, have rejected the Waraqa story as completely false and fabricated.[111]

Evaluation by Sayyid Ja'far Murtada Amili

In his book al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A'zam, Sayyid Ja'far Murtada Amili details the conflicting narrations[112] and dedicates a section to their critique.[113] He examines the primary chains of transmission found in Sahih al-Bukhari, Sahih Muslim, and other collections—relying on Al-Zuhri, 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr, and 'A'isha—and deems them weak.[114] He argues that the blatant contradictions indicate intentional fabrication and distortion.[115]

Amili questions the plausibility of God sending a messenger who remains unaware of his own prophethood, necessitating reassurance from a woman or a Christian.[116] He cites Quranic verses demonstrating the Prophet's (s) certainty[117] and highlights the contradictory reports regarding Waraqa's life.[118]

Amili attributes the fabrication of such stories to several motives:

Evaluation by Ja'far Subhani

In Furugh-i Abadiyyat, Ja'far Subhani dismisses these narrations as fabricated[123] historical myths incompatible with the lives of divine prophets.[124] He criticizes the various reports,[125] citing reasons such as:

  • Such unbecoming events are unprecedented in the lives of prophets.[126]
  • God does not bestow Prophethood until the prophet's soul is fully prepared to receive the divine secret.[126]
  • If Prophet Moses (a) achieved immediate certainty upon hearing the divine call, it is implausible that the Prophet of Islam (s), who holds a higher rank, would remain in doubt until reassured by Waraqa.
  • The specific mention of Moses (a) by the Christian Waraqa suggests the influence of Isra'iliyyat (Israelite traditions) penetrating Islamic history.[127]

Notes

  1. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 671; Ibn Qutayba al-Dīnawarī, al-Ma'ārif, 1992, p. 59; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 15, p. 204.
  2. Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 1, p. 257; Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  3. Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, 1407 AH, vol. 5, p. 374; Mūsawī, Īmān Abī Ṭālib, 1410 AH, p. 314; Fayḍ Kāshānī, al-Wāfī, 1406 AH, vol. 21, p. 387.
  4. Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 1, p. 87; Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  5. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 120.
  6. Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 1, p. 87; Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 671; Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 475.
  7. Zindānī, Bayyināt al-Rasūl (s) wa Mu'jizātuhu, Cairo, p. 23.
  8. Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, 1410 AH, vol. 8, p. 84; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, 1412 AH, vol. 1, p. 142.
  9. Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 475; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 3, p. 203.
  10. Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  11. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 9, p. 457; Baḥrānī, Ḥilyat al-abrār, 1411 AH, vol. 1, p. 56.
  12. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 222.
  13. Mustawfī Qazwīnī, Tārīkh-i Guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 136.
  14. Astarābādī, Āthār-i Aḥmadī, 1374 Sh, p. 80.
  15. Ibn Isḥāq, Sīrat Ibn Isḥāq, 1410 AH, p. 116; Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 2, p. 238; Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, p. 181.
  16. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 120; Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  17. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 6, p. 82; Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 3, p. 3; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 18, p. 228.
  18. Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 118.
  19. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 120.
  20. Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, Introduction, 1414 AH, p. 15.
  21. Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, 1410 AH, vol. 8, p. 84; Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 139.
  22. Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 5, p. 122.
  23. Astarābādī, Āthār-i Aḥmadī, 1374 Sh, p. 80.
  24. For example see: Al-Shaykh al-Ṭūsī, al-Amālī, 1414 AH, p. 302.
  25. Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 3, p. 203.
  26. Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 4, p. 143 quoting Zuhrī.
  27. Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  28. Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 1, p. 115; Baḥrānī, Ḥilyat al-abrār, 1411 AH, vol. 1, p. 56.
  29. Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 476.
  30. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 107 quoting Wāqidī.
  31. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 106.
  32. Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, p. 126.
  33. Ibn Isḥāq, Sīrat Ibn Isḥāq, 1410 AH, pp. 42-43; Bal'amī, Tārīkhnāma-yi Ṭabarī, 1373 Sh, vol. 3, p. 19.
  34. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, 1387 AH, vol. 2, p. 243.
  35. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 1, p. 103.
  36. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istī'āb, 1412 AH, vol. 3, p. 1061.
  37. Zindānī, Bayyināt al-Rasūl (s) wa Mu'jizātuhu, Cairo, p. 23.
  38. Ya'qūbī, Tārīkh al-Ya'qūbī, Beirut, vol. 1, p. 257; Ibn Ḥazm, Jamharat ansāb al-'Arab, 1403 AH, p. 491.
  39. Ibn Isḥāq, Sīrat Ibn Isḥāq, 1410 AH, p. 115; Ibn Ṭāwūs, Sa'd al-su'ūd, Qom, p. 215.
  40. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 120; Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 15, p. 204.
  41. Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, p. 126; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 15, p. 118.
  42. Ibn Qutayba al-Dīnawarī, al-Ma'ārif, 1992, p. 59; Ibn Ḥazm, Jamharat ansāb al-'Arab, 1403 AH, p. 491; Māwardī, A'lām al-nubuwwa, 1409 AH, p. 238; Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 120.
  43. Maqrīzī, Imtā' al-asmā', 1420 AH, vol. 1, p. 34; Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 106 quoting Wāqidī.
  44. Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  45. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istī'āb, 1412 AH, vol. 2, p. 819; Maqrīzī, Imtā' al-asmā', 1420 AH, vol. 1, p. 365.
  46. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, Beirut, p. 237; Baghdādī, al-Munammaq, 1405 AH, p. 422.
  47. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 671.
  48. Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 1, pp. 87-88.
  49. Maqrīzī, Imtā' al-asmā', 1420 AH, vol. 1, p. 34; Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 207.
  50. Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 5, p. 122.
  51. Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 3, p. 18; Ziriklī, al-A'lām, 1989, vol. 8, p. 115.
  52. Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, p. 126.
  53. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 672; Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 477.
  54. Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, 1416, vol. 40, p. 430; Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 672.
  55. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, pp. 671-672.
  56. Mas'ūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, 1409 AH, vol. 1, p. 88; Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 4, p. 143; Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, pp. 150-151.
  57. Āyatī, Tārīkh-i Payāmbar-i Islām, 1378 Sh, p. 13.
  58. The author of the book Subul al-hudā refers to a weak opinion that considers Waraqa as the first man who converted to Islam; but later he believes that he only confirmed the Prophet's (s) mission. (Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, p. 304.)
  59. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, Beirut, p. 171.
  60. Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 475.
  61. Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, Beirut, vol. 1, p. 238.
  62. Ḥashmatī, Translator of Armstrong's book, Muḥammad (s), 1425 AH, p. 88.
  63. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 207.
  64. Ḥashmatī, Translator of Armstrong's book, Muḥammad (s), 1425 AH, p. 88.
  65. Ibn Ḥayyūn, Sharḥ al-Akhbār, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 16.
  66. Bal'amī, Tārīkhnāma-yi Ṭabarī, 1373 Sh, vol. 3, p. 34.
  67. Mustawfī Qazwīnī, Tārīkh-i Guzīda, 1364 Sh, p. 136.
  68. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, p. 127; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 124.
  69. Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, Beirut, vol. 1, p. 167; Ibn Ḥayyūn, Sharḥ al-Akhbār, 1409 AH, vol. 3, p. 16.
  70. Majlisī, Ḥayāt al-qulūb, 1384, vol. 3, p. 187.
  71. Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 5, p. 34.
  72. Mihrpūyā, Muḥammad (s) dar Urūpā, 1382 Sh, p. 63.
  73. Mīrsharīfī, Payām-āvar-i Raḥmat, 1385 Sh, p. 15.
  74. Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, 1407 AH, vol. 5, p. 374; Fayḍ Kāshānī, al-Wāfī, 1406 AH, vol. 21, p. 387; Majlisī, Mirʾāt al-'uqūl, 1404 AH, vol. 20, p. 98.
  75. Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, 1407 AH, vol. 5, p. 375; Ibn Abī Jumhūr, Awālī al-Laʾālī, 1405 AH, vol. 3, p. 298.
  76. Ja'far Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, vol. 2, pp. 108-109.
  77. "Waraqa b. Nawfal ki būd?", Islamquest.
  78. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 222.
  79. Maqrīzī, Imtā' al-asmā', 1420 AH, vol. 10, p. 323; Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 4, p. 671.
  80. Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba, 1415 AH, vol. 6, p. 476.
  81. Haykal, Ḥayāt Muḥammad, n.d., p. 96.
  82. For example see: Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, vol. 1, 1410 AH, p. 5, vol. 1, p. 358, vol. 5, p. 364; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, 1412, vol. 1, pp. 139-142; Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, 1416 AH, vol. 43, p. 53.
  83. Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib, 1379 AH, vol. 1, p. 44; Ḥillī, al-'Adad al-qawiyya, 1408 AH, p. 341; Majlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, 1403 AH, vol. 18, p. 194.
  84. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, 1387 AH, vol. 2, p. 298.
  85. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, 1387 AH, vol. 2, p. 301; Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, 1416 AH, vol. 5, p. 44; Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 4, p. 142.
  86. In some reports, it is stated that the Prophet (s) doubted and considered the possibility that he had become a soothsayer (Kahin) and Khadija (a), mentioning some of his characteristics, asked him not to think so (Ibn Sa'd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, 1410 AH, vol. 1, p. 153.) and it is even said that the Prophet (s) decided to throw himself from the mountain due to great fear when meeting Gabriel. (Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, 1387 AH, vol. 2, p. 298.)
  87. Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 4, p. 142.
  88. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 6, p. 82.
  89. Some Sunni scholars believe that going to Waraqa for guidance was Abu Bakr's suggestion. (Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 106; Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, p. 233.)
  90. Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 4, p. 141.
  91. Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa l-nihāya, 1407 AH, vol. 1, p. 315.
  92. He rejected it being Satan by mentioning reasons. (Maqdisī, al-Badʾ wa l-tārīkh, n.d., vol. 4, p. 142.) And some even believe that he taught Lady Khadija (a) a way to distinguish Satan from an Angel and she became sure of the Prophet's (s) Prophethood by testing it. (Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib, 1379 AH, vol. 1, p. 45; Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, Introduction, 1405 AH, pp. 23-24.)
  93. Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī, 1387 AH, vol. 2, p. 302; Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, Introduction, 1405 AH, p. 23.
  94. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, 1409 AH, vol. 1, p. 25.
  95. Ṣāliḥī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā, 1414 AH, vol. 2, pp. 233-234; Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām, 1413 AH, vol. 1, p. 132.
  96. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 106.
  97. Ibn Sa'd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, 1410 AH, vol. 1, p. 153.
  98. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, 1417 AH, vol. 1, p. 105.
  99. Bayhaqī, Dalāʾil al-Nubuwwa, 1405 AH, vol. 2, pp. 135-149.
  100. 'Arabī, Tārīkh-i Taḥqīqī-yi Islām, 1383 Sh, vol. 1, p. 316.
  101. Armstrong, Muḥammad (s), 1425 AH, p. 88.
  102. 'Arabī, Tārīkh-i Taḥqīqī-yi Islām, 1383 Sh, vol. 1, p. 316.
  103. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 225.
  104. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 307.
  105. Ṭabrisī, Majma' al-bayān, 1372 Sh, vol. 10, pp. 579-580.
  106. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 307.
  107. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 311.
  108. Some, in interpreting the narration, have considered the cause of the Prophet's (s) fever and shivering to be the divine greatness and majesty and fear and anxiety due to the fear of Quraysh's denial and calling him mad. ('Arabī, Tārīkh-i Taḥqīqī-yi Islām, 1383 Sh, vol. 1, p. 316.)
  109. Ṣaffār, Baṣāʾir al-darajāt, 1404 AH, vol. 1, p. 318; 'Ayyāshī, Tafsīr al-'Ayyāshī, 1380 AH, vol. 2, p. 201.
  110. Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, Beirut, vol. 1, pp. 238-239.
  111. For more information refer to: "Dāstān-i Waraqa b. Nawfal Sākhtegī wa Durūgh ast", Al-Kawthar TV Website.
  112. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, pp. 288-292.
  113. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, pp. 292-315.
  114. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, pp. 292-295.
  115. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, pp. 295-298.
  116. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 298.
  117. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 299.
  118. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 302.
  119. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 309.
  120. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 312.
  121. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 313.
  122. Murtaḍā 'Āmilī, al-Ṣaḥīḥ, 1426 AH, vol. 2, p. 313.
  123. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 224.
  124. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 223.
  125. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 223.
  126. 126.0 126.1 Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 224.
  127. Subḥānī, Furūgh-i Abadiyyat, 1385 Sh, p. 225.

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