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Draft:Battles of Imam ʿAlī (a)

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This page is about the wars during the government of Imam 'Ali (a). For the wars of Imam Ali (a) during the lifetime of the Prophet (s), see Battles of the Prophet (s).
See also: Battle of Jamal, Battle of Siffin, Battle of Nahrawan, and Gharat

The Battles of Imam Ali (a) refers to and includes the military conflicts of Jamal, Siffin, and Nahrawan, as well as the raids of Mu'awiya (Gharat), which occurred during the Government of Imam Ali (a). These wars were primarily defensive in nature and arose as defensive measures against internal uprisings triggered by the Imam's (a) reformist policies, specifically the equitable distribution of the state treasury funds and the dismissal of corrupt officials. Although these conflicts placed significant economic strain on the government, they failed to fundamentally destabilize its political and social foundations.

Both Shi'a and Sunni jurists have affirmed the legitimacy of these wars, citing prophetic traditions and jurisprudential rulings concerning rebels (Ahl al-Baghy). Imam Ali (a) consistently prioritized peace and dialogue over conflict and only resorted to military confrontation after peaceful avenues had been exhausted and in the face of direct enemy aggression. While he employed various military and psychological tactics on the battlefield, he strictly adhered to ethical principles, including the prohibition of harming non-combatants and the humane treatment of prisoners.

The army of Imam Ali (a) included men and women from diverse tribes. Numerous scholarly works have examined these conflicts, including The Military Policy of Imam Ali (a) by Asghar Qa'idan and Military Strategy according to Imam Ali (a) by Muhammad al-Bustani.

Nature and Consequences of Imam Ali's (a) Wars

The wars of Imam Ali (a) include the battles of Jamal, Siffin, and Nahrawan and were defensive responses to internal uprisings against his administration.[1] Researchers emphasize that Ali (a) never initiated hostilities;[2] rather, he sought to avert conflict through peaceful negotiation[3] or, at the very least, present conclusive arguments (atmam al-hujja) to his opponents.[4] He engaged in military confrontation only when all peaceful avenues had been exhausted.[5]

While these wars imposed severe economic and political burdens on the Alid government, including the looting of public property, the destruction of infrastructure, and the disruption of the tax system, [6] they were unable to undermine the legitimacy or the popular support of Imam Ali's rule.[7] Ibrahim Baydun, a Lebanese professor of Islamic history, asserts that Imam Ali's (a) government, despite consecutive wars fought to guide the Islamic Ummah and prevent deviation, represented a direct continuation of Prophetic governance.[8]

Reasons for the Prevalence of War during Imam Ali's (a) Reign

Imam Ali's (a) reformist policies regarding the equitable distribution of state treasury funds and the removal of corrupt officials were the primary catalysts for the formation of opposition and armed conflicts.[9] According to Iranian historian Rasul Jafarian, although Imam Ali (a) was initially reluctant to accept the caliphate, once he assumed office, he was compelled to confront groups that perceived his reforms as a threat to their material interests and social status.[10]

Wilferd Madelung, a German scholar of Islamic history, classifies the Islamic society of that era into three distinct factions: first, the loyalists of Imam Ali (a), including the Ansar and opponents of Uthman; second, the Umayyads and their partisans, who claimed the caliphate as their right; and third, the majority of the Quraysh, who favored a return of the governance style of Abu Bakr and Umar. Madelung argues that these divisions, rooted in the conflicting interests of various groups, fueled the civil wars.[11]

Husain Muhammad Jafri, a Pakistani historian, asserts that influential figures such as Aisha, Talha, and Zubayr, and later Mu'awiya, viewed Imam Ali's (a) government as a threat to their positions. Consequently, they rose against the Alid government under the pretext of seeking revenge for Uthman.[12] These armed conflicts among Muslims left a profound and lasting impact on the Islamic Ummah.[13]

Legitimacy of Imam Ali's (a) Wars against Muslims

From the perspective of the Shi'a, who adhere to the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Imams, the legitimacy of Imam Ali's (a) wars against Muslim opponents is indisputable.[14] However, certain Sahaba, known as the al-Qa'idin (the Neutrals), questioned the legitimacy of these conflicts due to the involvement of Muslims on both sides and thus refrained from supporting either side.[15] Shi'a scholars cite the following evidence to establish the legitimacy of these wars:

  • Prophetic Traditions: Based on numerous hadiths narrated in both Shi'a[16] and Sunni[17] sources from Prophet Muhammad (s), Imam Ali (a) is designated as the criterion for distinguishing truth from falsehood. Consequently, Ali's (a) army represents the side of truth, while his adversaries stand in opposition to it.[18]
  • Legitimacy of Fighting Rebels: Imam Ali's (a) wars are classified as confrontations with rebels (baghi) and belligerents (muharib), actions which are jurisprudentially legitimate.[19] According to Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawi, a Sunni scholar, the leaders of the major Sunni schools including, Malik, al-Shafi'i, and Abu Hanifa, affirmed the righteousness of Ali (a) and the rebellious status of his opponents.[20]

General Information

Main articles: Battle of Jamal, Battle of Siffin, Battle of Nahrawan, and Gharat

The battles of Jamal, Siffin, Nahrawan, and the raids (Gharat) of Mu'awiya took place during Imam Ali's (a) reign. The Battle of Jamal marked the first military conflict of his rule[21] and the first internecine war between two Muslim groups. The battle was precipitated by the treachery and power struggles of the People of Jamal; Talha, Zubayr, and Aisha.[22] This battle commenced near Basra[23] and concluded with the defeat of the People of Jamal.[24] Mu'awiya b. Abi Sufyan, who had incited the People of Jamal to war,[25] positioned himself as the avenger of Uthman's blood and accused Ali (a) of complicity in the killing.[26] Imam Ali (a) sought to dismiss Mu'awiya from the governorship of Syria,[27] but when peaceful diplomatic efforts failed, the situation escalated into the Battle of Siffin.[28] Facing imminent defeat, Mu'awiya and Amr b. al-As ordered copies of the Qur'an to be raised on spears, calling for arbitration (hakamiyya).[29] This stratagem proved effective, and the Battle of Siffin ended inconclusively.[30]

The Khawarij, who had originally compelled Imam Ali (a) to accept arbitration, eventually demanded he repent and renounce the arbitration agreement when it yielded no results.[31] Upon meeting Ali's (a) refusal, they commited numerous atrocities and embarked on a campaign of violence.[32] In response to these crimes, Ali (a) redirected his army from the Syrian front to the Battle of Nahrawan in order to confront the Khawarij[33] which resulted in them being swiftly killed or wounded.[34] Following Nahrawan, Mu'awiya orchestrated a series of raids (gharat) on territories under the Imam's (a) control, killing and looting his supporters.[35] These raids were designed to be scattered and sudden, rendering even a rapid reaction from the Imam's (a) army ineffective.[36]

While exact figures are difficult to ascertain, some historical reports estimate casualties at approximately 150,000.[37] However, contemporary researchers argue that these figures are exaggerated and inconsistent with detailed accounts of the battles.[38]

Objectives

According to Yadollah Hajizadeh, Imam Ali b. Abi Talib (a) pursued the following objectives in the wars of his reign:

  • Combating Deviation and Reforming Society: The Imam maintained that the Islamic religion had deviated from its original path, viewing war as the sole remaining avenue to restore it.[39]
  • Fighting Aggressors: In his view, the philosophy of jihad was the defense of liberty and the prevention of domination by the powerful. Failing to fight aggressors was perceived as weakness and complacency toward divine disobedience.[40]
  • Establishing Justice: Citing the Imam's (a) own words, Hajizadeh identifies the establishment of justice as the fundamental goal of his military campaigns.[41]

Tactics

From Imam Ali's (a) advice to the army sent to Syria

Whenever you reach the enemy, or the enemy encounters you, let your camp be on high ground, or on the slopes of mountains, or between rivers, so that it may be your refuge and a barrier against an enemy attack. Start the battle from one side or two sides, and place scouts on the peaks and hills, lest the enemy should suddenly attack you from where you fear or from where you do not! And know that the vanguards of the army are the scouts of the soldiers, and the scouts are the vanguards of the army.[42]

Imam Ali (a) employed a diverse array of tactics to achieve victory.[43] Muhammad Khudayr Abbas al-Jilawi, of Shaykh al-Tusi University in Najaf, asserts that Imam Ali (a) pioneered innovative military strategies and unprecedented combat tactics.[44] Drawing on his extensive experience, he utilized tactics such as penetrating the center of the enemy formation, laying sieges, breaking blockades, and launching surprise attacks at pivotal moments.[45] Prior to each battle, he instructed his soldiers in military principles and techniques.[46] These instructions covered positioning in natural terrain, selection of movement routes, timing of marches and rest (avoiding movement early at night), methods of engagement, military formations (including the use of scouts), and determining the optimal time for attack.[47]

In addition to individual training, Ali (a) provided collective training to his forces.[48] His army was typically structured into a vanguard (muqaddama), left and right wings, a center (qalb), and a rearguard (aqaba).[49] Unlike early Islamic battles, his battles often saw duels, group confrontations, and general combat commence simultaneously.[50] He employed tactical deception,[51] considering it more effective than brute force.[52] For instance, at Siffin, he disguised himself, neutralized several opponents, and revealed his identity only when the enemy dared not engage him further, thereby emboldening his troops and demoralizing the foe.[53] Psychological operations—such as displaying the Prophet's (s) flag, wearing his cloak and turban, and highlighting the presence of the Sahaba were also integral to his strategy.[54] To ensure efficiency and minimize casualties, he prioritized intelligence gathering through spies and informants while strictly safeguarding his own army's operational security.[55]

Military Conduct (Sira)

Analytical works on early Islamic history highlight the following aspects of Ali b. Abi Talib's conduct in war:

  • Field Command: He personally commanded the army and maintained a presence on the battlefield in emulation of the Prophet (s), unlike previous caliphs.[56]
  • Reluctance to Initiate Hostilities: He refrained from using military force until the enemy publicly declared opposition and initiated action.[57]
  • Rapid Response to Aggression: Upon confirming an enemy's intent to invade, he moved swiftly to seize the initiative, forcing the enemy into a defensive posture.[58]
  • Welfare of Troops: He paid special attention to the spiritual and material needs of his soldiers and their families.[59]
  • Timing of Battle: Based on a narration in al-Kafi, he typically commenced hostilities in the afternoon to limit daylight fighting, thereby reducing casualties and allowing the defeated or those seeking escape to flee under the cover of night.[60]
  • Intelligence and Education: He maintained precise knowledge of the enemy and educated his soldiers on their culture and capabilities.[61]
  • Pursuit of Peace: He consistently invited the enemy to peace and a chance to surrender before fighting.[62]
  • Political Awareness: He focused on raising the political consciousness of both allies and adversaries.[63]
  • Exhausting Excuses: He issued final warnings and justifications twice before commencing battle.
  • Diplomatic Engagement: He utilized all available capacities to attract individuals from the enemy camp.
  • Restraint regarding Booty: He limited seizures to war spoils, strictly forbidding the violation of enemy property or women.[64]
  • Humanitarian Treatment: He forbade aggression toward the wounded, children, women, and the elderly.[65]
  • Ethical Warfare: He avoided treacherous and unethical methods.[66]
  • Amnesty: He declared general amnesty after victory and released prisoners.[67]
  • Respect for the Dead: He performed the funeral prayer for the deceased of both sides and ensured the burial of corpses.[68]
  • Post-War Security: He issued strong warnings after victory to deter future rebellions.[69]

Manpower and Equipment

In his letter to Malik al-Ashtar, Imam Ali (a) identified the people as the most fundamental defensive asset of the state.[70] He mobilized forces through sermons and correspondence with governors. His army included contingents from tribes such as Hamdan, Himyar, Madhhij, Tayy, Qays, Abs, Dhubyan, Hadramawt, Azd, Khath'am, and Khuza'a, with commanders often selected from within their respective tribes.[71]

Women also played a role in these campaigns,[72] including figures such as Umm al-Fadl, Umm Dharih al-Abdiyya, Layla al-Ghaffariyya, Umm al-Khayr bt. Huraysh al-Bariqiyya, Zarqa' bt. Adi, Bukara al-Hilaliyya, and Ikrisha bt. al-Atash. Their contributions included gathering intelligence, boosting morale, and countering enemy propaganda.[73]

To fund these wars, Ali (a) utilized public contributions and his personal wealth in addition to the kharaj (land tax).[74] The primary weaponry consisted of swords, spears, bows, armor, helmets, and shields.[75]

The book al-Istratijiyya al-Askariyya inda al-Imam Ali (a) by Muhammad al-Bustani.

Notes

  1. ↑ Zarrīnkūb, Bāmdād-i Islām, p. 109.
  2. ↑ See: Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 72; Dilshād Tihrānī, Ḥukmrānī-yi ḥakīmāna, p. 319.
  3. ↑ Dilshād Tihrānī, Ḥukmrānī-yi ḥakīmāna, p. 296.
  4. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Jāygāh-i jang dar muwājiha bā dushman, p. 121.
  5. ↑ Zayn, al-Imām ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) wa tajrubat al-ḥukm, p. 143.
  6. ↑ Gulmakānī & Wakīlī, Payāmadhā-yi iqtiṣādī-yi janghā-yi durān-i khilāfat-i Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 26-27.
  7. ↑ Bayḍūn, al-Imām ʿAlī fī ruʾyat al-Nahj wa riwāyat al-tārīkh, p. 149.
  8. ↑ Bayḍūn, al-Imām ʿAlī fī ruʾyat al-Nahj wa riwāyat al-tārīkh, p. 172.
  9. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 72.
  10. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 72.
  11. ↑ Madelung, Jānishīnī-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Muḥammad (s), p. 205.
  12. ↑ Jaʿfarī, Tashayyuʿ dar masīr-i tārīkh, p. 118.
  13. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 72.
  14. ↑ Qadrdān Qaramalikī, Janghā-yi si-gāna-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 35.
  15. ↑ Qadrdān Qaramalikī, Janghā-yi si-gāna-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 35-36.
  16. ↑ See: Ṣadūq, al-Amālī, p. 89; Mufīd, al-Fuṣūl al-mukhtāra, p. 97.
  17. ↑ See: Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad Aḥmad, vol. 2, p. 24; Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 14, p. 322; Ibn ʿAsākir, Tārīkh madīnat Dimashq, vol. 42, p. 449.
  18. ↑ Qadrdān Qaramalikī, Janghā-yi si-gāna-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 37.
  19. ↑ Qadrdān Qaramalikī, Janghā-yi si-gāna-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 37-38.
  20. ↑ Manāwī, Fayḍ al-qadīr, vol. 6, p. 365.
  21. ↑ Ṭabāṭabāʾī, Shi'a dar Islam, p. 42.
  22. ↑ Dilshād Tihrānī, Sudā-yi piymān shikanān, p. 14.
  23. ↑ Mufīd, al-Jamal wa al-nuṣra, p. 279.
  24. ↑ Dīnawarī, al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, p. 151.
  25. ↑ Dilshād Tihrānī, Sudā-yi piymān-shikanān, p. 61.
  26. ↑ Gharīb, Khilāfat ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, p. 152.
  27. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 81.
  28. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 87-88.
  29. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 94-95.
  30. ↑ Jaʿfariyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 95-97.
  31. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 99-100.
  32. ↑ Ṭabāṭabāʾī, Shīʿa dar Islām p. 44.
  33. ↑ Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk, vol. 5, p. 80-92.
  34. ↑ Jaʿfarīyān, Ḥayāt-i fikrī-sīyāsī-yi Imāmān-i Shīʿa, p. 105.
  35. ↑ Pūr Āriān & Rughanchīān Rūdsarī, Ghārāt-i Muʿāwīya, p. 35.
  36. ↑ Pūr Āriān & Rughanchīān Rūdsarī, Ghārāt-i Muʿāwīya, p. 39.
  37. ↑ Ṣādiqī, Naqdī bar āmār-i talafāt-i janghā-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 49-50.
  38. ↑ Ṣādiqī, "Naqdī bar āmār-i talafāt-i janghā-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 73.
  39. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 35-36.
  40. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 38-39.
  41. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 43-44.
  42. ↑ Sayyid Raḍī, Nahj al-balāgha, Letter 11, p. 371.
  43. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 145.
  44. ↑ Khuḍayr ʿAbbās al-Jīlāwī, al-Imām ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) wa manhajuhu l-iṣlāḥī, p. 430.
  45. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 155.
  46. ↑ Muʿīnīnīā, Sīra-yi idārī-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 177.
  47. ↑ Muʿīnīnīā, Sīra-yi idārī-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 178-182.
  48. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 116.
  49. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 125.
  50. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 149.
  51. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Anjām-i khudʿa wa tark-i ghadar, p. 45.
  52. ↑ Ibn Abī l-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahj al-balāgha, vol. 20, p. 312.
  53. ↑ Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, al-Futūḥ, vol. 3, p. 112.
  54. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 178-184.
  55. ↑ Khuḍayr ʿAbbās al-Jīlāwī, al-Imām ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) wa manhajuhu l-iṣlāḥī, p. 430-435.
  56. ↑ Jāsim, ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) sulṭat al-ḥaqq, p. 243-244.
  57. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Jāygāh-i jang dar muwājiha bā dushman, p. 125.
  58. ↑ Jāsim, ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) sulṭat al-ḥaqq, p. 244.
  59. ↑ Jāsim, ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) sulṭat al-ḥaqq, p. 251-252.
  60. ↑ Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, vol. 5, p. 25.
  61. ↑ Jāsim, ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) sulṭat al-ḥaqq, p. 246.
  62. ↑ Muʿīnīnīā, Sīra-yi idārī-yi Imām ʿAlī (a), p. 184.
  63. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 126.
  64. ↑ Jāsim, ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) sulṭat al-ḥaqq, p. 241.
  65. ↑ Khuḍayr ʿAbbās al-Jīlāwī, al-Imām ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (a) wa manhajuhu l-iṣlāḥī, p. 436.
  66. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Akhlāq-i niẓāmī, p. 196.
  67. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 186-193.
  68. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 201.
  69. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 204.
  70. ↑ Sayyid Raḍī, Nahj al-balāgha, Letter 53, p. 429.
  71. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 125.
  72. ↑ Muʿīnī, Naqsh-i sīyāsī-yi zanān dar ḥukūmat-i Ḥaḍrat-i ʿAlī (a), p. 59-61.
  73. ↑ Muʿīnī, Naqsh-i sīyāsī-yi zanān dar ḥukūmat-i Ḥaḍrat-i ʿAlī (a), p. 59-61.
  74. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 113.
  75. ↑ Ḥājīzāda, Sīra-yi niẓāmī-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn (a), p. 112.

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